ORCID Profile
0000-0002-0397-2011
Current Organisations
University of St Andrews
,
Griffith University
,
University of Oxford
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International Relations | Political Science | Government and Politics of Asia and the Pacific
International Relations not elsewhere classified | Expanding Knowledge through Studies of Human Society |
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 11-01-2020
Abstract: This article analyses the evolution of the English school’s approach to international relations from the work of the early British Committee in the late 1950s and early 1960s to its revival in the 1990s and afterwards. It argues that the school’s so-called ‘classical approach’ was shaped by the crisis of developmental historicism brought on by the First World War and by the reactions of historians like Herbert Butterfield and Martin Wight to the rise of modernist social science in the twentieth century. It characterises the classical approach, as advanced by Hedley Bull, as a form of ‘reluctant modernism’ with underlying interpretivist commitments and unresolved tensions with modernist approaches. It argues that to resolve some of the confusion concerning its preferred approach to the study of international relations, the English school should return to the interpretivist commitments of its early thinkers.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 13-01-2020
Abstract: This article introduces the Special Issue on ‘Interpretivism and the English School of International Relations’. It distinguishes between what we term the interpretivist and structuralist wings of the school and argues that disagreement about its preferred approach to the study of international relations has generated confusion about what it stands for and weakened its capacity to respond to alternative approaches. It puts the case for a reconsideration of the underlying philosophical positions that the school wishes to affirm and suggests that a properly grounded interpretivism may serve it best. The final part of the article discusses the topics and arguments of the remaining pieces in the Special Issue.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 04-2008
DOI: 10.1177/03058298080360020101
Abstract: George Orwell's concern for political language and political morality has long been recognised, but his thought on `political realism' has not received the attention that it deserves, especially from scholars of International Relations. This article examines his treatment of realism in his journalism of the 1940s and in his last novel, Nineteen Eighty-Four. It argues that although Orwell's account, assembled from his study of the political discourse of his day and the work of contemporary intellectuals, was deeply flawed, it asked important questions about the account of political motivation underpinning realism. It suggests that Orwell intended Nineteen Eighty-Four to satirise or parody the idea of `power-hunger' he thought realists depended upon and to demonstrate how realism might generate its own form of totalitarianism.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-05-2020
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 03-2025
Abstract: Over the past two decades, historians of international thought have markedly improved our understanding of the disciplinary history of International Relations (IR) and its wider intellectual history. During that period, ‘contextualism’ has become a leading approach in the field, as it has been for half a century in the history of political thought. This article argues that while the application of contextualism in IR has improved our understanding of its disciplinary history, its assumptions about the proper relationship between historians and theorists threaten to marginalise the history of international thought within IR. It argues that unless the inherent weaknesses in contextualism are recognised, the progress made in the field will go unrecognised by a discipline that sees little reason to engage with its history. It suggests that historians of international thought adopt an extensively modified version of contextualism that would allow them to rebuild bridges back into IR, especially IR theory.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 28-10-2022
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 2013
DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2252207
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 02-02-2019
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 19-07-2014
Abstract: In The Tragic Vision of Politics (Lebow, 2003), Richard Ned Lebow argues that a ‘tragic understanding of the political’ provides the best ontological and epistemological foundations for a theory of International Relations. This article challenges that claim. It argues that other literary modes of representing social life can offer equally strong bases for international theories. To that end, it examines the ‘satirical vision of politics’ with reference to satirists as erse as Aristophanes and Erasmus. It concludes that satire can provide just as good a form of political education as tragedy and just as robust a foundation for the kind of theory Lebow prefers.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 04-07-2018
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 02-2016
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 28-02-2023
DOI: 10.1177/17550882231151983
Abstract: This article responds to Charlotta Friedner Parrat’s critique of our argument that the English School of international relations should embrace a more thoroughgoing interpretivism. We address four of Friedner Parrat’s objections to our argument: that our distinction between structuralism and interpretivism is too stark that our understanding of the relationship between agency and structure is problematic that our approach would confine the English School to the study of intellectual history and that the English School should eschew explanation. We argue that if the School is to use structuralism, it must be clearer about how it understands structures and their relationships to agents. We argue too that interpretivism not only offers a better account of situated agency, but also that it provides the English School with one way to move beyond the description and classification of institutions in international society towards better explanations of international relations.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 2004
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 06-2012
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 2014
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 2010
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 10-2001
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2013
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 2013
DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.2241703
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 03-1992
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 2013
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 2017
DOI: 10.1093/IA/IIW004
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-04-2015
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2006
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Date: 28-09-2017
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2006
Publisher: Brill
Date: 2013
DOI: 10.1163/1875984X-00501005
Abstract: India voted for United Nations Security Council Resolution 1970, but abstained from Resolution 1973 authorizing a no-fly zone over Libya, subsequently criticizing the NATO c aign. This stance provoked much comment within India and among foreign commentators on Indian foreign policy. Some praised it as morally superior to approving military action, which was portrayed by some as Western ‘neo-colonialism’. Others, however, were critical of India’s unwillingness to back intervention in Libya and the principle of the Responsibility to Protect. For the critics, India’s objections to UNSC 1973 merely demonstrated the continued weakness of the foreign policy establishment and its inability to balance power politics and ethical values. This article evaluates these various positions, but argues that while the Libyan episode stimulated an unprecedented amount of comment in India about R2P, it is unlikely that the Indian government or leading Indian commentators will soon shift their positions.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-2011
Publisher: Bristol University Press
Date: 11-04-2022
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 05-2015
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 10-2016
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 1997
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-03-2016
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 04-04-2014
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 09-2014
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 10-11-2022
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 22-08-2014
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2009
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 04-05-2022
Publisher: University of California Press
Date: 11-2012
DOI: 10.1525/AS.2012.52.6.1089
Abstract: Over the past decade, India has invested significant resources in public diplomacy, using traditional and new approaches to build and leverage its soft power. This article examines the reasons for this investment, the various forms of public diplomacy India employs, and the effectiveness of its efforts to shape public opinion. It finds that Indian investment in public diplomacy is partly a response to concerns about the perceived growth of Chinese soft power and partly a function of changed beliefs in the foreign policy-making elite about the uses of new social media. It also finds that India's new public diplomacy seems to have met with some––albeit patchy––success in augmenting its soft power.
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 20-06-2016
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 02-2016
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 31-08-2016
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 07-2013
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 15-08-2013
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-02-2015
Publisher: Brill
Date: 29-09-2021
DOI: 10.1163/19426720-02703001
Abstract: Despite its long-standing rhetorical support for an international criminal justice regime, India continues to resist signing the 1998 Rome Statute that created the International Criminal Court. This article explores the reasons for this reluctance. It observes that during the negotiations that led to the Rome Statute, India voiced multiple objections to the design of the ICC , to how it was to function, and to the crimes that it was to address. It argues that analyzing the negotiating strategy India employed during those talks allows us to discern which reasons mattered more to New Delhi and what accounts for India’s ongoing refusal to sign the Rome Statute.
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 09-2015
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 28-08-2015
Abstract: This response to Martin Wight’s ‘ Disunity of Mankind’ contextualises the essay in his wider thought and explores the Christian underpinnings of his thinking on cosmopolitanism. It argues that the essay demonstrates both Wight’s strengths – in terms of his forensic analysis of a broad range of Western texts – and his weaknesses, which flowed from his conviction that the Christian tradition, and Western values more broadly, were the best foundation for international society.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 04-2008
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-01-2019
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 05-09-2023
DOI: 10.1093/IA/IIAD195
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 11-2006
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-10-2014
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2006
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-09-2019
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan UK
Date: 2016
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2015
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 03-2017
DOI: 10.1093/IA/IIX039
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 17-06-2014
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-2020
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 2017
DOI: 10.1093/IA/IIW026
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-2010
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-06-2014
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 11-2010
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 10-2002
DOI: 10.1017/S0260210502007192
Abstract: Sir Herbert Butterfield, Master of Peterhouse, Cambridge (1955–68), Regius Professor of History (1963–68), and author of The Whig Interpretation of History (1931), was one of the leading historians of the twentieth century. A diplomatic historian and student of modern historiography, Butterfield was deeply concerned too with contemporary international relations, wrote much on the subject and, in 1958, created the ‘British Committee on the Theory of International Politics’. Drawing upon published and unpublished material, this article seeks to sketch an outline of Butterfield's career and thought, to examine his approach to international relations, and to reconsider his reputation in the field.
Publisher: SAGE Publications Ltd
Date: 2011
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 23-09-2016
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2014
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 08-08-2019
DOI: 10.1093/ISP/EKY008
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 04-04-2012
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 03-2016
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 19-01-2017
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 19-09-2012
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2014
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-11-2018
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-07-2014
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2013
Publisher: Brill
Date: 18-04-2017
DOI: 10.1163/1875984X-00902005
Abstract: This article analyses Perilous Interventions: The Security Council and the Politics of Chaos by Hardeep Singh Puri, a retired senior diplomat and India’s former Permanent Representative to the United Nations in New York. It outlines the structure and argument of the book, which addresses foreign interventions in various conflicts over the past three decades, including those in Libya, Syria, Yemen, Ukraine, and Sri Lanka, and the emergence of the concept of Responsibility to Protect. It argues that Perilous Interventions is a significant, if problematic, book insofar as it signals that deep scepticism about r2p persists in important sections of the policymaking elite in New Delhi, despite India’s rising power, growing capabilities, and changing relationships with major powers, including the United States. It also introduces the remaining three articles in this special section.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 19-09-2013
DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-856X.2012.00533.X
Abstract: From 1997 onwards the FCO was reshaped by New Labour. The removal of responsibility for overseas aid to a new Department of International Development (DFID) was perhaps the most dramatic change. Successive cuts to the FCO budget and the progressive centralization of foreign-policy decision-making in Number 10 also had their effects, as did a series of government-directed reforms to recruitment practices. In an effort to make it more accountable to the public, the FCO was also bound by Public Service Agreements specifying targets for service delivery, publish Strategy Reports and mission statements, and Annual Departmental Reports setting benchmarks for performance. Together these reforms were designed to transform the FCO's culture, replacing inherited traditions of thought and practice with new ones believed better suited to contemporary world politics. This paper examines these inherited and new traditions, as well as the dilemmas they addressed.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 05-2006
DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-856X.2005.00208.X
Abstract: It has been argued that the failure of ‘realist’ international thought to take root in Britain in the aftermath of the Second World War, as it did in the United States, was a function of declining power. This article challenges this view, suggesting instead that for the British, the term ‘realism’ had been discredited, in the late 1930s, by its associations with appeasement and the ‘power politics' of the dictators. Examining the international thought of politicians and scholars in the years before, during and after the war, this article offers a reinterpretation of the British rejection of political realism.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 06-03-2020
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 21-11-2005
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan UK
Date: 2006
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2011
DOI: 10.1111/J.1478-9302.2010.00225.X
Abstract: One of the most significant developments in international relations theory in the past decade has been the reconciliation of radical post-positivist theorists to realism. This article examines the causes and consequences of that reconciliation. It argues that while advances in the history of international thought have prompted substantive re-evaluations of the work of past realist thinkers, including that of Carl Schmitt and Hans J. Morgenthau, the reconciliation of radicalism and realism has occurred because of the radicals' realisation of their common antiliberalism. Drawing upon the work of Stephen Holmes, the article concludes with a discussion of the implications of the rise of anti-liberalism among international relations theorists.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 2016
DOI: 10.1111/ASPP.12241
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 30-10-2022
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 07-2015
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 09-2017
DOI: 10.1093/IA/IIX160
Location: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Location: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Start Date: 2015
End Date: 2017
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2018
End Date: 2020
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2020
End Date: 2021
Funder: Department of Defence, Australian Government
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2015
End Date: 12-2017
Amount: $117,932.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 03-2018
End Date: 2024
Amount: $242,315.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded Activity