ORCID Profile
0000-0001-7341-0551
Current Organisation
Australian National University
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Political theory and political philosophy | Comparative Government and Politics | Political Science | Comparative government and politics | Political science
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 31-03-2018
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 25-10-2022
Abstract: The functioning of representative democracy is crucially dependent on the representative behaviour of political parties. Large parts of the party representation literature assume that voters expect parties to fulfil the promises of their election programs. What voters actually want from parties, however, remains largely unclear. Within the Australian context, this article investigates the preferences of voters regarding three ideal party representative styles: ‘promise keeping’ ‘focus on public opinion’ and ‘seeking the common good’. Using a novel survey tool, this study finds that voters value promise keeping highly when it is evaluated in idually. However, they rate seeking the common good as most important when the three styles are directly compared. A multinomial logistic regression analysis shows that, in particular, voters who have been involved in party grassroots activities prefer promise keeping. These findings have wider implications for our understanding of how representative democracy can and should work.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-2012
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 28-11-2013
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-2009
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-01-2018
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-10-2019
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 02-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 16-07-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-07-2016
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-01-2017
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 13-03-2020
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-2012
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-07-2020
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 23-10-2023
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 30-05-2023
DOI: 10.1177/13540688221103930
Abstract: Radical right parties and their nativist ideas have gained considerable momentum, compelling non-radical parties to “engage” with this demand and with the nativist “Zeitgeist.” Yet, aside from general trends such as tougher stances on migration, we know little about the strategic choices of parties when balancing their commitment to core policy goals and the need to be “timely,” that is, to respond to changing environments. Theoretically, parties may either adapt their ideological “core” to signal commitment or merely attribute nativist ideas to secondary issue areas to signal general responsiveness. Drawing on Austrian, German, and Swiss manifestos for over two decades and establishing a novel dictionary to assess parties’ use of nativism, we find that while previous studies showing right-wing parties to compete with RRs using nativism in the same domains are correct, the strategic choices around this competition are more complex. How much commitment to nativist ideas parties show depends on whether radical right parties use the same domains to construct their nativist claims. For research on party competition, this means that more attention should be paid to how rather than if parties “engage” with their rivals.
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 12-07-2023
DOI: 10.1057/S41269-022-00253-8
Abstract: Nativism is one of the defining phenomena of the contemporary era. Yet, we know little about how malleable citizen attitudes associated with nativism and nationalism are to priming effects when media frames which deal with key issues such as immigration are introduced. In this article, we present the findings from a survey experiment fielded to a nationally representative s le of voters in Australia in May 2019. In it, we explore whether the attitudes of voters for different political parties can be primed by introducing two contrasting media frames to measure these effects. We find positive and negative frames have no effect on the attitudes of voters for Australia’s populist radical right party, but that the former has an effect on centre-right voters in Australia. Such findings have important implications for our understanding of political communication and the malleability of political attitudes.
Publisher: Springer International Publishing
Date: 2018
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 02-12-2023
Abstract: That parties fulfil their pre‐election pledges once they are in government is a fundamental idea of many democracy models. This paper addresses the question of whether the government/opposition status of their party affects how much citizens want governments to fulfil their promises. We hypothesize that interest‐driven, rational voters are more likely to prefer their own party to keep its promises and investigate whether this rationale is impacted by public opinion and expert views. The analysis is based on a survey experiment conducted in Australia and Austria. It finds that voters broadly adhere to the democratic principle of expecting pledge fulfilment but, at the same time, some take a rational approach to government promises. The opinions of the public and experts mitigate but do not change this effect. Another key finding is the significant difference in the preference for promise keeping versus promise breaking between government and opposition voters in the Austrian case, the country with the more heterogeneous and polarized political system. This paper contributes to the literature on voters’ attitudes on democracy and pledge fulfilment by showing that voters are normatively driven but a significant number of voters deviate and instead follow the rational voter logic.
Publisher: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden
Date: 2016
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 18-10-2020
Abstract: One of the most common critiques of political parties is that they no longer represent the interests of their voters. On one hand, representation literature tasks all parties equally to ensure high ideological congruence with their voters. On the other hand, party behaviour literature acknowledges that parties have legitimately different primary goals, in particular vote-maximisation or policy-seeking. Thus, this article analyses whether ideological congruence depends on the general goals that parties pursue. Furthermore, this article proposes a novel, distribution-based measure of party-voter ideological congruence that reduces the loss of voter information stemming from the many-to-one data relationship. This measure is applied to 470 data points from parties in 10 Western European countries from 1970 to 2009. The article finds that vote-maximising parties create higher levels of congruence than policy-seeking parties. On this basis, the article calls for evaluations of party behaviour considering party-type specificity.
Publisher: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften
Date: 2011
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 29-07-2019
Abstract: Do radical right fringe parties affect main parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE)? Using data from the Manifesto Project, we analyze the relationship between radical right fringe parties’ and main parties’ policy programs regarding sociocultural issues in six post-communist countries of CEE. Even though radical right fringe parties have participated in government in several of these countries, and in Hungary a fringe party has become the country’s second largest party, our analysis shows that the sociocultural issues in radical right fringe party manifestos do not systematically relate to the changes in main party manifestos regarding those issues. Even if some of the main parties in our study might often agree with the radical right fringe parties, our analysis shows that the latter do not directly influence the policy priorities of the main parties.
Publisher: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden
Date: 08-09-2015
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 22-07-2021
DOI: 10.1177/01925121211020592
Abstract: Sweden and Denmark have presented contrasting relationships between centre-right and populist radical right (PRR) parties. In Sweden, the centre-right has refused cooperation with the Sweden Democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) (SD), even when this cost the centre-right office. However, in Denmark, coalitions led by centre-right parties have cooperated with the Danish People’s Party (Dansk Folkeparti) (DF) on multiple occasions. Through a controlled comparison, we examine what explains these different outcomes. Using Chapel Hill Expert Surveys and public opinion data, we firstly look at the policy congruence between parties and the social acceptability of cooperation. We then examine interview material with representatives from centre-right and PRR parties in Sweden and Denmark to see their explanations of cooperation and non-cooperation. We conclude that, while the office goals of Danish centre-right parties, along with the policy focus and uncontroversial past of DF, explain that case, the reputation and past of SD has precluded a similar outcome.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 06-2021
DOI: 10.1111/JCMS.13055
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 28-09-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 23-12-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 24-06-2020
Publisher: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden
Date: 26-11-2014
Start Date: 2009
End Date: 2019
Funder: German Research Foundation
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2017
End Date: 2019
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2016
End Date: 2016
Funder: Griffith University
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 07-2024
End Date: 06-2027
Amount: $312,265.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 03-2017
End Date: 12-2022
Amount: $195,000.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded Activity