ORCID Profile
0000-0001-9192-4169
Current Organisation
University of Melbourne Law School
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Publisher: Peter McMullin Centre on Statelessness - Melbourne University Law School
Date: 29-06-2020
DOI: 10.35715/SCR2001.115
Abstract: This article responds to the literature gap within both discourses on ‘sexual citizenship’ and statelessness studies on the nexus between statelessness and sexual orientation, gender identity and expression, and sex characteristics (‘SOGIESC’). It explores the intersectional experiences of stateless lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer plus (‘LGBTIQ+’) in iduals as well as circumstances in which discrimination on SOGIESC grounds can cause statelessness for LGBTIQ+ persons or their children. In addition to rare reports of arbitrary deprivation of citizenship from LGBTIQ+ persons, the non-recognition of post-transition statuses and intersex realities may lead to situations of statelessness. Finally, complex legislation and administrative practices around assisted reproductive technology — and especially international commercial surrogacy — can leave children born within ‘rainbow families’ at particular risk of statelessness. In arguing that a global nexus does indeed exist between SOGIESC and statelessness, this article calls for further empirical research in order to provide greater nuance and context-specific understandings of the intersectional experiences and causes of statelessness for LGBTIQ+ in iduals around the world.
Publisher: Ubiquity Press, Ltd.
Date: 2014
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2020
Publisher: Brill
Date: 08-11-2022
DOI: 10.1163/18739865-01504009
Abstract: The Syrian conflict has contributed to major debates in culture, media and politics around transitions linked to borders, ethnicity and identity. Against this backdrop, this article explores the use of ‘Rojava’, a keyword referring to Kurdish-majority areas in the country. It examines the term’s changing meanings and usage against the evolving backdrop of the governance project led by Kurds since the post-2011 power vacuum in North(eastern) Syria. The article identifies how the term has been both operationalized and later abandoned and replaced by other nomenclature while highlighting the implications of these changes on public and political discourse. The term ‘Rojava’ traces its origins to the context of (pan-)Kurdish nationalism, with its literal meaning of ‘western’ (Kurdistan) implying a notion of trans-border Kurdish identity. From this point of departure, the author considers how it has been popularized in anarchist and Western solidarity circles as well as through international media in expressions such as the ‘Rojava experiment’ and ‘Rojava Revolution’. The article unpacks how it has become shorthand in Western media for an ideology of women’s liberation and leftist grassroots governance, as well as considering the term’s less favorable reception in the Arab press, where the word ‘Rojava’ itself is treated as a foreign, and sometimes threatening, concept. Finally, the article presents how from 2016 the Kurdish-led authorities in this region of Syria sought to formally distance themselves from the term they had introduced. This change was due to realpolitik imperatives to re-brand their governance project under the ‘Syrian Democratic’ banner when incorporating non-Kurdish-majority territories (Raqqa, Deir ez-Zor and Menbij). In the context of its official abandonment, the term has nonetheless retained currency in the media as well as popular everyday contexts among Kurds on street level.
Publisher: Oxbridgepublishinghouse
Date: 29-01-2016
DOI: 10.33182/KS.V4I1.406
Abstract: This article compares humanitarian operations associated with Turkish state and pro-Kurdish movement actors in response to the large cross-border displacement of Kurdish-Syrians into Turkey from the September 2014 Kobani crisis. Analysis draws on actor mapping methodologies and fieldwork conducted in the Kurdish-majority town of Suruç in southern Turkey. Parallels with the 2011 Van earthquakes highlight the ethno-national complexities and potential controversy encountered when responding to humanitarian needs of predominantly Kurdish populations in Turkey. The alternative territorial identities generated by practices of Kurdish municipal-level “governmentality” (through c management and humanitarian assistance) trouble the assumed hierarchy between Turkish state authorities and Kurdish challengers.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIBi nexşekirina çalakî û nasnameyan di hewldanên qeyrana Kobanî de Ev gotar wan hewl û çalakiyên mirovî yên dewleta tirk û akterên hereketa kurdî berawird dike ku di hengava muhacirbûna kurdên Sûriyeyê bo nav Tirkyeyê de, anku dema qeyrana Kobanî ya îlona 2014an, hatine encamdan. Tehlîlên gotarê xwe dispêrine metodên bi nexşekirina akteran û xebata meydanî li Suruça piranî kurdnişîn. Hevterîb ligel zelzeleyên Wanê yên 2011an, gotar îşaretê bi hebûna aloziyên qewmî-neteweyî û dubendiyên cor bi cor dike gava li Tirkiyeyê hewl ji bo qetandina pê iyên jiyanî yên kom û xelkên kurd tên dan. Nasnameyên herêmî yên alternatîv ku encama siyaset û kiryarên “hukûmraniya” kurdî ya di asta şaredariyan de ne (bi rêya rêvebirina kempan û arîkariyên mirovî) zorê dide wê hiyerarşiya ferazî ya di navbera rayedarên dewleta tirk û berhelistkarên kurd de.ABSTRACT IN SORANI
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2020
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2019
Publisher: CAIRN
Date: 26-03-2021
DOI: 10.3917/PLD.128.0017
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2013
Publisher: University of Toronto Press Inc. (UTPress)
Date: 11-2019
DOI: 10.3138/GSI.13.1.01
Publisher: Oxbridgepublishinghouse
Date: 28-05-2018
DOI: 10.33182/KS.V6I1.435
Abstract: Brutality and sexual violence perpetrated by the Islamic State (IS) group against women and girls held in captivity have left traumatic effects on survivors and their communities. In this context, the German federal state of Baden-Württemberg launched a novel ‘Special Quota’ Humanitarian Admissions Programme to receive one thousand vulnerable women and children. They are predominantly from the Yezidi religious minority in Iraq and its autonomous Kurdistan Region. The programme serves as a noble precedent for new and expanded forms of international protection to those affected by conflict-related sexual violence and associated trauma. This article draws, however, on interviews with participants of the programme in order to consider critically the gendered assumptions embedded within its design, implementation and related discourse. Research findings indicate that explicit exclusion of all adult male family members from accompanying the vulnerable “womenandchildren” [1]to Germany is against the wishes and self-perceived best interests of some women survivors. Moreover, women’s inability to maintain family unity compounds their lack of agency to determine the conditions of their own recovery and future within the programme framework.[1] This article borrows the one-word compound term coined by feminist writer Cynthia Enloe to evoke the treatment of women within a conflated conceptual category of diminished personal agency and essentialised vulnerability.ABSTRACT IN KURMANJIXelaskirina yên saxmayî. Jinên êzidî, Dewleta Îslamî û bernameya Almanyayê ya qebûlê Wehşet û şideta cinsî ya ji hêla Dewleta Îslamî pêk hatî li hember jin û keçên dîl tesîrên trawmatîk li ser ên xelasbûyî û li ser cemaetên wan hiştiye. Di vê çarçoveyê de, eyaleta Alman a Baden-Württemberg bernameyeke nû “Kotaya Taybet” a Bernameya Însanî ya Qebûlkirinê da destpêkirin da ku hezar jin û zarokên di rewşa hesas de qebûl bike. Ew jî bi piranî ji kêmîneya olî ya êzidiyan pêk tên li Iraqê û li Herêma Otonom ya Kurdistanê. Bername wek pêşengeke hêja ye ji bo awayên nû û berfireh ên vehewandin û parastina navneteweyî ji wan kesan re ku ketine ber şideta seksî ya ji ber şer û trawmayên ji wê çêbûyî. Ev meqale xwe dispêre hevpeyvînên ligel beşdarên bernameyê ji bo ku bi awayekî rexneyî li wan pêşferzên cinsî yên di binyad û dîzayn û tetbîq û gotara wê de. Encamên lêkolîne nîşan didin ku bi eşkereyî rênedana hemû endamên mêr ên malbatê da ligel “jin û zarokên” di rewşa hesas de werin Almanyayê li dijî daxwaz û baştirîn feydeya (bi baweriya wan) hin ji wan jinên xelasbûyî ye. Herwiha, zehmetiya jinan ji bo parastina yekîtiya malbatên xwe kêmasiya bikeriya wan jî xurttir dike ku ew bi xwe karibin biryarê bigrin ji bo şert û mercên qencbûna xwe û dahatûya xwe di nav çarçoveya bernameyê de.ABSTRACT IN SORANIRizgarkrdinî zîndûmawan, jinanî êzdî, Dewlletî Îslamî û programî wergirtinî EllmanîEw weḧşiyet û tundûtîjîye sêksîyey û ke le layen grupî Dewlletî Îslamîyewe le dijî jinan û kiçanî be dîlgraw hatote encam dan, karîgerîy tirawmatîkî le ser zîndûmawan û komellgakanyan be cê hêştûwe. Lem kontêkste da wîlayetî fîdirrallîy Baden Wurtembêrgî Ellmanya programêkî be nawî pişkî taybet (Special Quota) dest pê kird ke brîtîye le prrogramêkî xêrxwazîy bo wergirtin, bo pêşwazîkirdin le yek hezar jin û mindallî brînbar. Zortirînyan ser be kemîney ayînî êzdîn le 'Êraq û herêmî Kurdistanin. Ew prrograme wek despêşxerîyekî nayab şwênî xoy kirdotewe bo brewdan be şêwazî nwêtir û berfrawantirî parastinî nêwneteweyî bo ewaney ke kewtûnete jêr karîgerîy tundûtîjîy sêksî û ew tirawmayey ke bew hoyewe tûşyan bûwe. Le ser binemay çawpêkewtingelî encamdraw legell beşdarbûwanî programeke da em meqaleye be şêweyekî rexnegirane ew grîmane cenderîyane şî dekatewe ke le naw nawerrok û şêwazî cêbecêkirdin û gutarî peywendîdar dan. Encamekanî lêkollînewe derî dexen ke xistinederî tewawî endame nêrînekanî xêzan ke hawşanî "jinan û mindallan"î brînbar birron bo Ellmanya le dijî wîst û pêdawîstîye kesîyekanî hendêk le jine zîndumawekane. Herweha nebûnî twanayîy ewey ke jinekan xêzanekanyan be yekgirtûwîy bihêllinewe, rêga le karabûnyan degirêt le pêkhênanî mercekanî çareserî û dahatûyan le çwarçêwey ew programe da.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 27-07-2023
DOI: 10.1177/01979183231186794
Abstract: Lebanon has many migrant domestic workers, most of whom are women. While migrant domestic workers’ contracts prohibit pregnancy and childbearing, a substantial number of women give birth in Lebanon, and their children are at risk of statelessness. Through our examination of nationality laws and birth registration regulations, and their implementation in both Lebanon and migrants’ origin countries, this article offers an intersectional, gender analysis of conditions contributing to the risks of statelessness for such children. It seeks to contribute new insights into a seemingly intractable problem in Lebanon. Our investigation of laws and regulations is situated within a discussion of Lebanon's kafala system of migrant sponsorship that structures conditions under which migrant workers live. We triangulate our analysis by drawing on 13 semistructured interviews with key informants in Lebanon. We demonstrate that the risk of statelessness for children born to migrant domestic workers in Lebanon is enmeshed in a complex gendered and racialized conjunction of controls exercised over migrant domestic workers’ reproductive capacity, mobility, migration status, and right to pass on their nationality to their children. Based on this analysis, we identify potential strategies to secure citizenship for migrant domestic workers’ children at risk of statelessness. Our article makes analytical and empirical contributions to an emergent body of scholarship focusing on the growing phenomenon of childhood statelessness in “irregularized” migration contexts.
Publisher: York University Libraries
Date: 25-04-2020
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2013
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 2020
DOI: 10.2139/SSRN.3684160
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2012
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2014
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 08-08-2023
Publisher: Unpublished
Date: 2017
Location: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
No related grants have been discovered for Thomas McGee.