ORCID Profile
0000-0002-4087-9916
Current Organisations
University of Melbourne
,
Bournemouth University
,
Monash University VIC AU
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In Research Link Australia (RLA), "Research Topics" refer to ANZSRC FOR and SEO codes. These topics are either sourced from ANZSRC FOR and SEO codes listed in researchers' related grants or generated by a large language model (LLM) based on their publications.
Media Studies | Communication and Media Studies | Journalism Studies | Communication Technology and Digital Media Studies | Communication Studies
The Media | Publishing and Print Services (incl. Internet Publishing) |
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-07-2017
Abstract: This article draws on an empirical analysis of the testimonies of Chinese journalists to (re)consider the nature of professionalism in contemporary Chinese journalism. We draw on earlier work by a number of scholars to develop an analysis of the testimonies in order to trace both how professionalism is shaped by cultural, social, organizational, institutional and political influences, and how these work to shape everyday journalistic practices and outputs. We conclude that professionalization is best understood not as a shift towards an ideal version of autonomous, public service–oriented journalism, but instead as a process informed by erse and somewhat contradictory influences, including many that are internal to China as well as some that are near universal. Not only are journalists clearly concerned to be distinguished from ‘propagandists’, but editors also engage in tactical practices and organizational strategies that allow a meaningful autonomy from the state. These are not only influenced by conflicting normative discourses of journalism but have also become both a necessity for establishing the legitimacy of in idual journalists and news institutions and to facilitate their viability in highly competitive news markets.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 10-2007
Abstract: Within democratic theory, the deliberative variant has assumed pre-eminence. It represents for many the ideal of democracy, and in pursuit of this ideal, online discussion forums have been proposed as solutions to the practical limits to mass deliberation. Critics have pointed to evidence which suggests that online discussion has tended to undermine deliberation. This article argues that this claim, which generates a stand-off between the two c s, misses a key issue: the role played by design in facilitating or thwarting deliberation. It argues that political choices are made both about the format and operation of the online discussion, and that this affects the possibility of deliberation. Evidence for the impact of design (and the choices behind it) is drawn from analysis of European Union and UK discussion forums. This evidence suggests that we should view deliberation as dependent on design and choice, rather than a predetermined product of the technology.
Publisher: The MIT Press
Date: 16-12-2011
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 22-12-2015
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 24-05-2023
Publisher: Edward Elgar Publishing
Date: 29-05-2015
Publisher: Emerald
Date: 20-03-2009
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 11-2006
DOI: 10.1111/J.1467-856X.2006.00247.X
Abstract: Moderators are widely thought to be crucial to the facilitation of high-quality democratic debate, particularly in government-sponsored participatory exercises. There are, however, persistent fears that moderators censor rather than promote free speech, leading to a ‘shadow of control’. This article analyses the relationship between moderation and censorship on two British central government online discussion fora: Downing Street's Speaker's Corner and Policy Forum, and Citizen Space's E-Democracy Forum. Two models of moderation are developed to help structure the analysis. The main conclusions are that moderation strategies must be clearly linked to the policy goals behind the forum, and that the moderator's roles should be separated to limit the so-called ‘shadow’. The censorial role being conducted by an independent body, with facilitation activities conducted by civil servants linked to the policy being discussed.
Publisher: Nomos Verlag
Date: 2017
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 23-04-2015
Abstract: This article analyzes the nature of debate on “below the line” comment fields at the United Kingdom’s Guardian, and how, if at all, such debates are impacting journalism practice. The article combines a content analysis of 3,792 comments across eighty-five articles that focused on the UN Climate Change Summit, with ten interviews with journalists, two with affiliated commentators, plus the community manager. The results suggest a more positive picture than has been found by many existing studies: Debates were often deliberative in nature, and journalists reported that it was positively impacting their practice in several ways, including providing new story leads and enhanced critical reflection. However, citizen–journalist debate was limited. The results are attributed to the normalization of comment fields into everyday journalism practice, extensive support and encouragement from senior management, and a realization that comment fields can actually make the journalists’ life a little easier.
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 20-05-2013
DOI: 10.1111/JCC4.12016
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 21-03-2006
DOI: 10.1093/PA/GSL002
Publisher: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Date: 30-11-2018
Abstract: This article analyses the impact of “super-participants” – people who create lots of content, set the agenda, or moderate debates – on everyday online political talk in a non-political online discussion forum – or “third space”. The article finds that there was extensive evidence of super-participation in the forum, and that they did impact the nature of political talk.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 27-04-2020
Publisher: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Date: 07-07-2021
Publisher: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Date: 15-09-2006
Abstract: This article analyses the European Union’s Futurum discussion forum. The EU hoped that Futurum would help close the acknowledged gap between institutions and citizens by facilitating a virtual, multilingual, transnational public sphere. Futurum was both an interesting ex le of how the EU’s language policies shape the structure of deliberative experiments and of a public debate about their relative value. We combine various quantitative measures of the discussions with a critical discourse analysis of a thread which focused on language policies. We found that although the debates were predominantly in English, where a thread started in a language other than English, linguistic ersity was more prominent. The discourse analysis showed that multilingual interaction was fostered, and that the debate about language policies is politically and ideologically charged.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 11-2020
Abstract: This article assesses how social movements make use of media, and how their media practices influence movement outcomes using a case study of the Anti-National Education Movement in Hong Kong. It contributes to the literature on this important protest event and to ongoing debates about changes in the relationship between media and protesters. It is argued that activists adapted to what we call a “hybrid mediation opportunity structure.” The concept of a hybrid mediation opportunity structure is built on a critical engagement with Cammaerts’ mediation opportunity structure and is informed by Chadwick’s hybrid media system theory. We find that old (mainstream) and new (social) media tactics were deployed interdependently in a hybrid, symbiotic process. Old and new media logics fed off each other, in turn producing new logics: hybrid mediation opportunities which enabled activists to simultaneously broaden their connective networks and capture the attention of news media to publicize and legitimize their collective protests.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 21-12-2017
Publisher: Mouton de Gruyter
Date: 20-05-2008
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 15-03-2018
Publisher: The MIT Press
Date: 16-12-2011
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 08-11-2018
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-2002
Abstract: This article provides a critique of the Downing Street website. First, government guidelines on website design and content are used as a basis to analyse the content of number-10.gov.uk . I conclude that the website fails to meet the guidelines for content, but this is primarily due to their inapplicability. Secondly, I contest the claim that the website ‘is all about communication: helping to create a two-way link between government and people’.
Publisher: Walter de Gruyter GmbH
Date: 06-2015
Publisher: John Benjamins Publishing Company
Date: 16-07-2021
Abstract: This article longitudinally analyses how Australian politicians engage with, and attack, journalists and the media more generally on Twitter from 2011–2018. The article finds that attacks on journalists have increased significantly since 2016 when Trump came to power, but this is largely the preserve of populist and far-right politicians. These politicians rarely call the media fake, instead alleging bias or questioning the veracity or standards of reporting and production. Many politicians have a functional relationship with the media, rarely criticising the media. Attacks are largely focused on the national public service broadcaster, the ABC, with limited attacks on commercial media.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 08-11-2019
Abstract: Men Going Their Own Way (MGTOW) are a separatist Manosphere group (digital manifestation of the Men’s Liberation Movement) who focus on in idualistic, self-empowering actions as opposed to traditional collective actions typical of Men’s Rights Activists and Incels. This study investigates how the ideology and rhetoric of MGTOW propagates and normalises misogynistic beliefs through online harassment, using a multi-phased content and thematic analysis of 10,280 tweets from three of the most active MGTOW users on Twitter. The findings document a link between the MGTOW ideology and toxic masculinity, showing that the online harassment generated is deeply misogynistic and polices the boundaries of a heterosexual, hegemonic masculinity. The analysis demonstrates that while the misogyny and violence produced by MGTOW is not extreme in nature, their appeals to rational thinking make it seem like common sense. The article develops new knowledge about the heterogeneous nature of the Manosphere and its constructions of masculinity.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-2007
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 07-06-2007
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 13-10-2015
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 25-06-2021
Publisher: ANU Press
Date: 10-04-2018
Publisher: IGI Global
Date: 2009
DOI: 10.4018/978-1-60566-026-4.CH428
Abstract: A Dutch Internet dictionary has defined the moderator as “a person who exercises censorship on a mailing list or newsgroup.”1 Censoring the content of online discussion has often been considered as conflicting with the Internet’s libertarian tradition of free speech and unrestrained communication (Tsagarousianou, 1998). However, as the famous PEN-experiment (public electronic network) in Santa Monica (1990-96) showed, the desirability of free speech must be weighed against other legitimate concerns such as the need to facilitate discussion and counteract possible abuses of the medium (Docter & Dutton, 1998). This article analyses government-run online fora in which citizens and social organizations can discuss amongst themselves—or with government officials and elected representatives— issues of public concern. Effective moderation is considered crucial because the perceived anonymity in online fora weakens the norms of constitutive/self censorship that regulate face-to-face behaviour. It is thought that this can lead to “flame wars,” polarized debates and dominant minorities. Thus, while the anonymity of online environments may diminish the psychological thresholds that can limit participation, it may also exacerbate them—inhibiting the social cooperation needed to accomplish complex communicative tasks. Moderators, it is suggested, can mitigate such problems by stimulating and regulating discussions—facilitating purposeful social action (Coleman & Gøtze, 2001 Edwards, 2002, 2004 Wright, 2006a). Initial empirical analyses of online political discussion tended to focus on usenet newsgroups and found that debates were of poor deliberative quality and reinforced rather than changed pre-existing views (Davis, 1999 Hill & Hughes, 1998 Wilhelm, 2000). We must not extrapolate from this that all online political discussion is of poor quality— or, indeed, that all online discussion must be of high deliberative quality. The Internet provides us with a virtual commons upon which erse interests can set up c the relative “free-for-all” provided by usenet can perform a useful socio-political function alongside regulated, government- led discussions. The two are not mutually exclusive. It is important that government-run online forums have clear aims, and are designed, structured, and moderated (or not) to ensure these are achieved (Wright, 2005 Wright & Street, forthcoming). A minimum level of moderation is normally required for legal reasons. Of course, this is balanced by local laws and rules on the right to free speech.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-2015
Abstract: Taking forward a new agenda for online political deliberation – the study of everyday political talk in non-political, online ‘third spaces’ – this article examines the dynamics of political talk across three general interest UK-based online forums. The quantitative analysis found that discussions about austerity were just as likely to emerge from non-political discussions as they were ones that began as ‘political’, demonstrating the links people made between everyday experiences and public policy. Our qualitative analysis represents the first real attempt to analyse political actions within third spaces, with some striking outcomes. Over half of all political discussions led to at least one political action (with significant variation between forums). The findings demonstrate that while such third spaces remain concerned with the preoccupations of everyday life, they can and do perform a role of mobilizing agent towards political participation.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 10-2012
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 16-03-2015
Publisher: OpenEdition
Date: 31-12-2016
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 22-03-2006
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 11-11-2022
Abstract: This article presents an analysis of broadcast election night coverage, contemporaneous social media data, and semi-structured interviews focused on the 2018 Victorian state election to assess the extent and nature of media hybridity that occurred. This work contributes to the field by providing the first analysis of the hybrid media system using a case study event in Australia, the first study of a second-order election, and by focusing in detail on how journalistic processes and decisions shape hybridity and how these are, themselves, shaped by hybrid logics. It finds some evidence of hybrid norms and actions, but in other ways coverage followed traditional media logics.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 11-09-2015
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 26-06-2020
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 2012
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 05-08-2011
Abstract: The suggestion that new media might revolutionize politics persists as one of the most influential and popular discourses. There has been a burgeoning scholarly response, often framed through the polarising ‘revolution’ and ‘normalization’ ‘schools’ (Davis, 2009 Margolis and Resnick, 2000). This article argues that the schism between revolution and normalization has negatively influenced subsequent empirical analyses of political conversation online (and of e-democracy studies more generally). First, it will argue that many scholars have failed to consider the nature of revolutionary change in any detail, tending to frame and interpret their research findings with the very technologically determinist accounts of revolutionary change of which they are so critical. Second, it will argue that the revolution/normalization frame has led researchers to disproportionately analyse existing political institutions and practices, often using narrow definitions of politics and normative underpinnings that simply may not be relevant in the context of new media. Finally, the article argues that the revolution/normalization frame may have led researchers to interpret their empirical data in an unduly negative way. Combined together the revolution/normalization frame can shape the selection of cases, the choice of research questions and how subsequent results are interpreted – with the danger that researchers are being unduly pessimistic about the prevalence and nature of political debate online. The critique will lead to a series of suggestions about how scholars can take online deliberation research forward.
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan UK
Date: 2014
Location: United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
Start Date: 06-2020
End Date: 12-2024
Amount: $431,000.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 10-2019
End Date: 11-2023
Amount: $222,782.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded Activity