ORCID Profile
0000-0002-6441-7150
Current Organisations
Inria Centre de Recherche Grenoble Rhone-Alpes
,
CNRS Délégation Paris B
,
Philipps-Universität Marburg Fachbereich Psychologie
Does something not look right? The information on this page has been harvested from data sources that may not be up to date. We continue to work with information providers to improve coverage and quality. To report an issue, use the Feedback Form.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 15-05-2020
Abstract: Many government strategies to reduce the spread of Novel Coronavirus (COVID-19) involved unprecedented restrictions on personal movement, disrupting social and economic norms. Although generally well-received in Australia, community frustration regarding these restrictions appeared to erge across political lines. Therefore, we examined the unique effects of the ideological subfactors of Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA Aggression, Submission and Conventionalism) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO Dominance and Anti-egalitarianism) in predicting perceived personal threat of COVID-19, and support for and reactance to government restrictions, in Australian residents across two separate s les (S1 N = 451, S2 N = 838). COVID-19 threat was positively predicted by Submission, and negatively by Conventionalism, and Anti-egalitarianism. Support for restrictions was also positively predicted by Submission, and negatively by Conventionalism, Dominance, and Anti-egalitarianism. Reactance to government restrictions was negatively predicted by Submission, and positively by Conventionalism, Dominance and Anti-egalitarianism. These findings suggest that right-wing ideological subfactors contribute to the one’s perception of COVID-19 threat and government restrictions differentially.
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 12-2022
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-07-2018
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 06-2021
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 15-03-2022
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 18-12-2009
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 11-2013
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 04-10-2019
Abstract: Climate change is a politically-polarised issue, with conservatives less likely than liberals to perceive it as human-caused and consequential. Furthermore, they are less likely to support mitigation and adaptation policies needed to reduce its impacts. This study aimed to examine whether John Oliver’s “A Mathematically Representative Climate Change Debate” clip on his program Last Week Tonight polarised or depolarised a politically- erse audience on climate policy support and behavioural intentions. One hundred and fifty-nine participants, recruited via Amazon MTurk (94 female, 64 male, one gender unspecified, Mage = 51.07, SDage = 16.35), were presented with either John Oliver’s climate change consensus clip, or a humorous video unrelated to climate change. Although the climate change consensus clip did not reduce polarisation (or increase it) relative to a control on mitigation policy support, it resulted in hyperpolarisation on support for adaptation policies and increased climate action intentions among liberals but not conservatives.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 04-05-2021
Abstract: As climate change continues to be politically isive, developing communications that align with right-leaning beliefs may increase bipartisan support for climate policy. In two experimental studies (Study 1, Australia, N = 558 Study 2, United States, N = 859), we tested whether an economic loss or national identity loss message would elicit greater support for mitigation and adaptation policies when compared to one another and to a control message. We also tested whether the direct effects of these message types were conditional on political orientation (specifically, identifying as politically right-leaning). In both studies, preliminary analyses indicated that the message manipulations were effective and that there was a high level of support for both types of climate policy. When compared to left-wing adherents, those who were politically right-leaning were less likely to support mitigation and adaptation policies in either s le. Australian (Study 1) identification – although not American identity (Study 2) – also uniquely predicted adaptation support (but not mitigation support). Yet, there were no significant message frame or interaction effects in the Australian (Study 1) or U.S. s le (Study 2). This suggests that neither an economic loss nor national identity loss message frame may be effective in overcoming the political polarization of climate change in Australia or the United States. Nevertheless, national identity could still play a useful role in Australian climate communications given its positive relationship to adaptation policy support, and therefore warrants further investigation.
Publisher: Public Library of Science (PLoS)
Date: 11-02-2021
DOI: 10.1371/JOURNAL.PONE.0246058
Abstract: Recent research promotes comparing the current state of the environment with the past (and not the future) to increase the pro-environmental attitudes of those on the political right. We aimed to replicate this temporal framing effect and extend on research in this area by testing the potential drivers of the effect. Across two large-scale replication studies, we found limited evidence that past comparisons (relative to future comparisons) increase pro-environmentalism among those with a more conservative political ideology, thus precluding a full investigation into the mediators of the effect. Where the effect was present, it was not consistent across studies. In Study One, conservatives reported greater certainty that climate change was real after viewing past comparisons, as the environmental changes were perceived as more certain. However, in Study Two, the temporal framing condition interacted with political orientation to instead undermine the certainty about climate change among political liberals in the past-focused condition. Together, these studies present the first evidence of backfire from temporal frames, and do not support the efficacy of past comparisons for increasing conservatives’ environmentalism. We echo recent calls for open science principles, including preregistration and efforts to replicate existing work, and suggest the replication of other methods of inducing temporal comparisons.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 31-03-2022
Abstract: Psychological research has produced a significant body of knowledge about the antecedents and consequences of inter-in idual belief in conspiracy theories. What is less clear, however, is the extent to which in iduals’ beliefs in conspiracy theories vary over time (i.e., intra-in idual variation). In this descriptive and exploratory study, we therefore aimed to describe intra-in idual variability in belief in conspiracy theories. We collected data from 498 Australians and New Zealanders using an online longitudinal survey, with data collected at monthly intervals over six months (March to September 2021). Our measure of conspiracy theories included items describing ten unfounded conspiracy theories with responses on a 5-point Likert scale. While there was substantial variance in beliefs between different participants (i.e., inter-in idual variance), there was much less intra-in idual variance (intraclass r = 0.91). This suggests that beliefs in conspiracy theories were highly stable in our s le. This stability implies that longitudinal studies testing hypotheses about the causes and consequences of belief in conspiracy theories may require large s les of participants and time points to achieve adequate power. It also implies that explanations of belief in conspiracy theories need to accommodate the observation that belief in such theories varies much more between people than within people.
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 09-11-2017
DOI: 10.1038/NATURE24472
Abstract: The abyssal ocean is broadly characterized by northward flow of the densest waters and southward flow of less-dense waters above them. Understanding what controls the strength and structure of these interhemispheric flows-referred to as the abyssal overturning circulation-is key to quantifying the ocean's ability to store carbon and heat on timescales exceeding a century. Here we show that, north of 32° S, the depth distribution of the seafloor compels dense southern-origin waters to flow northward below a depth of about 4 kilometres and to return southward predominantly at depths greater than 2.5 kilometres. Unless ventilated from the north, the overlying mid-depths (1 to 2.5 kilometres deep) host comparatively weak mean meridional flow. Backed by analysis of historical radiocarbon measurements, the findings imply that the geometry of the Pacific, Indian and Atlantic basins places a major external constraint on the overturning structure.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 03-2019
DOI: 10.1111/JASP.12585
Publisher: Hogrefe Publishing Group
Date: 07-2023
DOI: 10.1027/1016-9040/A000487
Abstract: Abstract: Science denial has adverse consequences at in idual and societal levels and even for the future of our planet. The present article aimed to answer the question: What leads people to deny even the strongest evidence and distrust the scientific method? The article provides a narrative review of research on the underpinnings of science denial, with the main focus on climate change denial. Perspectives that are commonly studied separately are integrated. We review key findings on the roles of disinformation and basic cognitive processes, motivated reasoning (focusing on ideology and populism), and emotion regulation in potentially shaping (or not shaping) views on science and scientific topics. We also include research on youth, a group in an important transition phase in life that is the future decision-makers but less commonly focused on in the research field. In sum, we describe how the manifestations of denial can stem from cognitive biases, motivating efforts to find seemingly rational support for desirable conclusions, or attempts to regulate emotions when feeling threatened or powerless. To foster future research agendas and mindful applications of the results, we identify some research gaps (most importantly related to cross-cultural considerations) and examine the unique features or science denial as an object of psychological research. Based on the review, we make recommendations on measurement, science communication, and education.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 17-01-2019
Abstract: Climate change denial persists despite overwhelming scientific consensus on the issue. However, the rates of denial reported in the literature are inconsistent, potentially as a function of ad hoc measurement of denial. This further impacts on interpretability and integration of research. This study aims to create a standardised measure of climate change denial using Item Response Theory (IRT). The measure was created by pooling items from existing denial measures, and was administered to a U.S. s le recruited using Amazon MTurk (N = 206). Participants responded to the prototype measure as well as being measured on a number of constructs that have been shown to correlate with climate change denial (authoritarianism, social dominance orientation, mistrust in scientists, and conspiracist beliefs). Item characteristics were calculated using a 2-parameter IRT model. After screening out poorly discriminating and redundant items, the scale contained eight items. Discrimination indices were high, ranging from 2.254 to 30.839, but item difficulties ranged from 0.437 to 1.167, capturing a relatively narrow band of climate change denial. Internal consistency was high, ω = .94. Moderate to strong correlations were found between the denial measure and the convergent measures. This measure is a novel and efficient approach to the measurement of climate change denial and includes highly discriminating items that could be used as screening tools. The limited range of item difficulties suggests that different forms of climate change denial may be closer together than previously thought. Future research directions include validating the measure in larger s les, and examining the predictive utility of the measure.
Publisher: American Geophysical Union (AGU)
Date: 06-2021
DOI: 10.1029/2019JC015918
Abstract: The sub‐ice platelet layer (SIPL) is a highly porous, isothermal, friable layer of ice crystals and saltwater, that can develop to several meters in thickness under consolidated sea ice near Antarctic ice shelves. While the SIPL has been comprehensively described, details of its physics are rather poorly understood. In this contribution we describe the halo‐thermodynamic mechanisms driving the development and stability of the SIPL in mushy‐layer sea ice model simulations, forced by thermal atmospheric and oceanic conditions in McMurdo Sound, Ross Sea, Antarctica. The novelty of these simulations is that they predict a realistic model analogue for the SIPL. Two aspects of the model are essential: (a) a large initial brine fraction is imposed on newly forming ice, and (b) brine rejection via advective desalination. The SIPL appears once conductive heat fluxes become insufficient to remove latent heat required to freeze the highly porous new ice. Favorable conditions for SIPL formation include cold air, supercooled waters, and consolidated ice and snow that are thick enough to provide sufficient thermal insulation. Thermohaline properties resulting from large liquid fractions stabilize the SIPL, in particular a low thermal diffusivity. Intense convection within the isothermal SIPL generates the SIPL‐consolidated ice contrast without transporting heat. Using standard physical constants and free parameters, the model successfully predicts the SIPL and consolidated ice thicknesses at six locations. While most simulations were performed with 50 layers, an SIPL emerged with moderate accuracy in thickness for three layers proving a low‐cost representation of the SIPL in large‐scale climate models.
Publisher: University of California Press
Date: 2016
DOI: 10.12952/JOURNAL.ELEMENTA.000122
Abstract: The role of sea ice in the carbon cycle is minimally represented in current Earth System Models (ESMs). Among potentially important flaws, mentioned by several authors and generally overlooked during ESM design, is the link between sea-ice growth and melt and oceanic dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) and total alkalinity (TA). Here we investigate whether this link is indeed an important feature of the marine carbon cycle misrepresented in ESMs. We use an ocean general circulation model (NEMO-LIM-PISCES) with sea-ice and marine carbon cycle components, forced by atmospheric reanalyses, adding a first-order representation of DIC and TA storage and release in/from sea ice. Our results suggest that DIC rejection during sea-ice growth releases several hundred Tg C yr−1 to the surface ocean, of which & 2% is exported to depth, leading to a notable but weak redistribution of DIC towards deep polar basins. Active carbon processes (mainly CaCO3 precipitation but also ice-atmosphere CO2 fluxes and net community production) increasing the TA/DIC ratio in sea-ice modified ocean-atmosphere CO2 fluxes by a few Tg C yr−1 in the sea-ice zone, with specific hemispheric effects: DIC content of the Arctic basin decreased but DIC content of the Southern Ocean increased. For the global ocean, DIC content increased by 4 Tg C yr−1 or 2 Pg C after 500 years of model run. The simulated numbers are generally small compared to the present-day global ocean annual CO2 sink (2.6 ± 0.5 Pg C yr−1). However, sea-ice carbon processes seem important at regional scales as they act significantly on DIC redistribution within and outside polar basins. The efficiency of carbon export to depth depends on the representation of surface-subsurface exchanges and their relationship with sea ice, and could differ substantially if a higher resolution or different ocean model were used.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-05-2023
DOI: 10.1177/13684302221094432
Abstract: Across two studies ( Ns = 268 and 574), we examined the perceived legitimacy of sexual harassment allegations made against male allies. Overall, observers were less inclined to believe an allegation (Studies 1 and 2) and endorsed less severe punishments against a perpetrator who engaged in egalitarian (vs. sexist) behaviors toward women (Studies 1 and 2). Observers also endorsed weaker reparatory measures, were more willing to move past the allegation, and were more inclined to blame the victim for the incident when an egalitarian (vs. sexist) man was accused, especially when there was greater uncertainty surrounding his guilt (Study 2). Importantly, these effects were mediated by perpetrator typicality: the egalitarian perpetrator less closely resembled a typical perpetrator of sexual harassment, which, in turn, predicted more lenient evaluations (Study 2). These findings highlight how accusations of male allies’ problematic behavior can reinforce widespread scepticism surrounding sexual harassment allegations and discriminatory attitudes towards victims.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-07-2022
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 24-10-2018
Abstract: Across two studies, we tested whether evaluations of sexual misconduct allegations against male politicians are made in a partisan biased manner. First, we investigated the likelihood a sexual misconduct allegation made by a female staffer was perceived as legitimate by Democratic and Republican participants when the accused politician’s party affiliation was aligned (versus unaligned) with the participant’s own affiliation (Study 1). We also tested whether partisan bias was conditional on the strength of the participant’s expressive partisanship (Study 2). In Study 1, 182 Democratic and 159 Republican affiliates (N = 341), recruited via Amazon Mechanical Turk, were randomly allocated to one of three conditions (Democratic, Republican, or unaffiliated accused politician). Findings indicated that Republican participants were less likely than Democrats to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation as legitimate, irrespective of the politician’s party affiliation. Nonetheless, participants were not more likely to perceive a sexual misconduct allegation against an unaligned politician as more legitimate than against a politician of their own party. However, in a replication of Study 1 with a larger s le (301 Democratic and 301 Republican affiliates), Republicans (but not Democrats) demonstrated partisan bias in judgements of the legitimacy of misconduct allegations. Expressive partisanship did not moderate this partisan effect.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 28-08-2017
Abstract: Limited research to date has qualitatively explored the perceptionsmembers of the public who are not environmental activists hold ofenvironmentalists. Therefore a qualitative survey was conducted with 89US residents aged 21–53 (Mage = 32.74, SDage = 7.89) to obtain an in-depthunderstanding of how non-activists within the public perceiveenvironmentalists. Data obtained were analyzed using thematic analysisand demonstrated that non-activist perceptions of environmentalistscontained both positive and negative components. Environmentalistswere seen to value nature and to be actively involved in bringing aboutpositive environmental change (positive component), yet were also viewedas aggressive in their behaviors and stubborn in their beliefs (negativecomponent). Further still, it was found that environmentalists were morelikely to be perceived positively when they engaged in in idual-level,private sphere behaviors (such as recycling), and negatively when theyengaged in collective-level, public sphere behaviors (such as protesting).These findings not only challenge the assumption that members of thepublic typically evaluate environmentalists negatively, they also outlinewhy some in iduals may fail to identify as an environmentalist andengage in pro-environmental behavior. Furthermore, they also providesome insight as to why some environmentalists find it difficult to advocatefor system change that results from collective action within the public sphere.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 24-03-2017
Abstract: Research consistently shows that right-wing ideological adherents are more likely to deny climate change. However, less is known about how right-wing ideological subtypes are uniquely related to climate change denial, as well as what explains these relationships. This study examines whether threat to the socioeconomic system in the form of climate change mitigation policies mediates the relationships between Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA) and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO) subtypes and four forms of climate change denial. Participants (N = 334 Mage = 34.70, SD = 5.98) were recruited via Amazon MTurk. When shared variance in the predictors was accounted for, we found that: (1) Conventionalism (RWA-C) positively predicted all types of climate change denial (2) Dominance (SDO-D) positively predicted existence denial (3) Anti-Egalitarianism (SDO-E) positively predicted both human cause and impact denial and, (4) Aggression (RWA-A) negatively predicted existence denial. All significant direct relationships were partially mediated by climate change mitigation threat, except for direct paths between SDO-D and existence denial, and RWA-A and existence denial. These findings suggest that right-wing adherents who conform to societal norms and prefer inequality may deny climate change partly due to a perception that mitigation strategies proposed to combat climate change threaten the existing socioeconomic system.
Publisher: Center for Open Science
Date: 02-06-2022
Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic supercharged the spread of fake news, misinformation, and conspiracy theories worldwide. Using a national probability s le of adults from the New Zealand Attitudes and Values Study during 2020 (17–99 years old M = 48.59, SD = 13.86 63% women, 37% men N = 41,487), we examined the associations between agreement with general conspiracy beliefs and political indicators of intention to vote and satisfaction with government, alongside political factors including trust in politicians, political efficacy, identity centrality, and political ideology. Left-wing political ideology, trust in politicians, and political efficacy accounted for most of the explained variance in satisfaction with the government. General conspiracy belief was also a unique contributor to lower satisfaction with the government. We also found a curvilinear relationship between political ideology with heightened belief in conspiracies at both ideological extremes and the centre. Findings are discussed in terms of the consequences of conspiracy belief on democratic engagement.
Publisher: American Meteorological Society
Date: 05-2013
Abstract: The overturning circulation of the Southern Ocean has been investigated using eddying coupled ocean–sea ice models. The circulation is diagnosed in both density–latitude coordinates and in depth–density coordinates. Depth–density coordinates follow streamlines where the Antarctic Circumpolar Current is equivalent barotropic, capture the descent of Antarctic Bottom Water, follow density outcrops at the surface, and can be interpreted energetically. In density–latitude coordinates, wind-driven northward transport of light water and southward transport of dense water are compensated by standing meanders and to a lesser degree by transient eddies, consistent with previous results. In depth–density coordinates, however, wind-driven upwelling of dense water and downwelling of light water are compensated more strongly by transient eddy fluxes than fluxes because of standing meanders. Model realizations are discussed where the wind pattern of the southern annular mode is lified. In density–latitude coordinates, meridional fluxes because of transient eddies can increase to counter changes in Ekman transport and decrease in response to changes in the standing meanders. In depth–density coordinates, vertical fluxes because of transient eddies directly counter changes in Ekman pumping.
Location: Germany
No related grants have been discovered for Edward Clarke.