ORCID Profile
0000-0002-4917-6758
Current Organisation
University of Sydney
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Government and Politics of Asia and the Pacific | Political Science
Expanding Knowledge through Studies of Human Society | Civics and Citizenship | Communication Across Languages and Culture |
Publisher: Springer Netherlands
Date: 26-11-2013
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 08-04-2022
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 07-09-2022
DOI: 10.1177/20578911221119869
Abstract: What explains popular support for military dictatorship? Existing literature on democratic breakdowns focuses on addressing support for democratic collapse but not subsequent authoritarian regime. This article explores pro-dictatorship sentiment before and during the military dictatorship in Thailand. It uses social media data to analyze support for the antidemocratic mobilization of the People’s Democratic Reform Committee (PDRC) and the subsequent military dictatorship, which lasted from 2014 to 2019. It argues that support for military dictatorship prior to and after regime installment was qualitatively different both in sentiment and type of support. Prior to the coup, pro-dictatorship support was unified by antigovernment sentiment, while following the coup pro-regime support was contingent upon policy preferences of different groups. These findings fill a gap in the literature on regime change, which tends to be focused on explaining support for democratic collapse and remains silent on this support in its aftermath. This study may present the first-ever evidence of pro-dictatorship support following a collapse of democracy.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 28-02-2021
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 17-10-2019
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 2015
DOI: 10.1163/15685314-04305003
Abstract: Traditional techniques used to study political engagement—interviews, ethnographic research, surveys—rely on collection of data at a single or a few points in time and/or from a small s le of political actors. They lead to a tendency in the literature to focus on “snapshots” of political engagement (as in the analysis of a single survey) or draw from a very limited set of sources (as in most small group ethnographic work and interviewing). Studying political engagement through analysis of social media data allows scholars to better understand the political engagement of millions of people by examining in iduals’ views on politics in their own voices. While social media analysis has important limitations, it provides the opportunity to see detailed “video” of political engagement over time that provides an important complement to traditional methods. We illustrate this point by drawing on social media data analysis of the protests and election in Thailand from October 2013 through February 2014.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 10-2014
DOI: 10.1111/ASPP.12139
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 27-07-2020
DOI: 10.1017/JEA.2020.11
Abstract: The 2016 presidential contest is widely considered as the first “social media election” in the Philippines. At the same time, it remains unclear if or how social media helped Rodrigo Duterte mobilize voters to gain victory. There are three main social media c aigning models: broadcast, grassroots, and self-actualizing. Analysis of twenty million activities and 39,942 randomly s led comments across the official Facebook pages of key presidential candidates supports the grassroots model as Duterte's profile was the most engaged, even if Duterte himself was not actively engaged. Such inconsistencies raise the prospect that Duterte's online prominance was fabricated by paid trolls and fake accounts. Instead, our analysis suggests that Duterte's digital fanbase was, at least in part, a reflection of offline, grassroots political support. In particular, data from an original survey of 621 respondents suggests that Duterte supporters were not only aggressive in their support for Duterte online, they were also more committed to him offline as well. These findings add to a growing literature on social media and politics that seeks to understand the broader ecosystem of online political discourse, rather than focusing on the actions and strategies of political c aigns. They also underscore the fine line between fabricated support and genuine political fervor.
Publisher: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
Date: 30-12-2014
DOI: 10.1355/CS36-3A
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 26-06-2013
DOI: 10.1111/ASPP.12036
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 12-2011
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 21-06-2018
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 09-2012
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 25-11-2019
Abstract: A sharp rise in the use of digital media in Southeast Asia in recent years has raised questions about the impact of these digitally networked technologies on the prospect for democratization in a region known for its authoritarian resilience. In the absence of a regional uprising as witnessed in the Middle East through the Arab Spring, Southeast Asian authoritarian states have maintained their durability despite a massive surge in online political activities and in some cases, digitally mediated large-scale mobilization of opposition groups. What explains authoritarian resilience in Southeast Asia in the face of rising opportunities for online political opposition? This article argues that while digital media has emerged as an important repertoire of activism, particularly for political opposition groups, a deft combination of political authoritarianism and increasing Internet controls have stunted democratic pressure in society and h ered future prospect for democratization. It also offers a comparative analysis of how the Internet more generally and digital media in particular has affected state-society relations in Southeast Asia in recent years. In order for digitally mediated political opposition to meaningfully challenge the existing authoritarian incumbents, sufficient opening in the political system is needed. This means, authoritarian states with competitive, routinized elections which have recently experienced large-scale or sustained mobilization by opposition groups are most likely to be susceptible to breakdown than closed regimes.
Publisher: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
Date: 30-12-2014
DOI: 10.1355/CS36-3E
Publisher: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
Date: 31-12-2016
DOI: 10.1355/CS38-3H
Publisher: Pacific Affairs
Date: 06-2017
DOI: 10.5509/2017902253
Publisher: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
Date: 2012
DOI: 10.1355/CS34-3D
Start Date: 12-2022
End Date: 12-2025
Amount: $379,229.00
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded Activity