ORCID Profile
0000-0001-8098-9223
Current Organisation
Deakin University
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Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Date: 17-11-2017
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 24-06-2011
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109911000016
Abstract: Most of the current scholarship focuses on the functional aspects of regionalism such as economic and security issues, and the literature tends to be too focused on American or European concerns (Katzenstein, 2005 Higgott, 2007 Ravenhill, 2008). Despite the early examination of varied ideas of Asian regionalism (Milner and Johnson 1997, He, 2004, Acharya 2009), there remains a substantive lack of critical scholarship that focuses on the study of Asian ideas, proposals, and visions of regionalism.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 03-01-2013
Publisher: American Library Association
Date: 06-2007
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-1999
Publisher: American Physical Society (APS)
Date: 26-03-2021
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-1991
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 23-11-2017
Abstract: The covenant connection thesis forms an important basis from which to understand the religious source of federalism. Yet with its Judeo-Christian roots, to what extent does it apply to Asian countries that have different religious traditions? In this article, we explore whether the covenant connection thesis is relevant to Asian federalism in the context of Muslim-, Hindu-, and Buddhist-majority countries. We find that while the presence or absence of a covenantal tradition within a religion can partially explain acceptance of, or resistance to, federalism, there are other religious features that also play a role. These include the extent to which traditional religious organizations are internally centralized, the extent to which religion and state governance are intertwined or separate from each other, and the extent to which a religion that constitutes the core national identity is threatened by other religions that are or may be empowered by federal arrangements.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 2002
Publisher: Brill
Date: 03-2004
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 06-10-2005
Publisher: University of California Press
Date: 07-2010
Abstract: This paper reviews and compares three deliberative approaches to conflict, and applies the deliberative approach to the Tibet issue. It examines the case of a deliberative workshop, its achievements and limits. Deliberative dialogue appears to have improved knowledge and mutual understanding, enhanced mutual trust and deliberative capacities, and produced moderating effects.
Publisher: Edward Elgar Publishing
Date: 30-09-2013
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-1991
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: Brill
Date: 2011
Abstract: A growing literature has examined various issues concerning indigenous rights in Asia. Yet the most urgent question is why, how and under what conditions the state recognises it. Why do some countries accept the international call for indigenous right but others reject it? Without the state's recognition, the cause of indigenous peoples and their rights looks dim. This paper examines the politics of the varied Asian responses to the international call for indigenous rights. It discusses reasons and conditions under which states or other actors endorse or deny indigenous people and their rights. The conclusion of the paper raises the issue of human agency in the politics of recognition.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 11-11-2013
Abstract: The very thought of deliberative politics in contemporary China may seem surprising. Indeed, there are questions over its veracity. Analyses of scholarship on deliberative democracy in China to date might be said to fall into two c s: one sees the emergence of deliberative democracy in China as a real prospect for democracy the other dismisses it outright. This essay offers an alternative evaluation to these two c s. It proposes a theoretical reconstruction of deliberative culture that accounts for a proliferation of contemporary deliberative practices in China and the CCP’s sponsorship of deliberative experiments and institutions. The theoretical reconstruction of contemporary deliberative practices bears traces of the Confucian moral code of deliberation and the institutionalization of deliberation throughout the history of the Chinese imperial states. The upshot in taking this theoretical approach is that we can confirm that the practice of deliberation in contemporary China is well and truly alive, but it does not readily map with Western theoretical models of deliberative democracy. This essay sets up a contrast between an authoritarian deliberation—the use of actual deliberative practices by the authoritarian state to improve governance and enhance its authority— and the “western” idealized version of democratic deliberation. It considers the limitations of the Chinese model of authoritarian deliberation and explains why and how it may constitute, at least partially, a defensible normative account of the contributions of deliberation to political legitimacy, and in doing so hopes to illustrate some important historical lessons for Western deliberative democracy.
Publisher: Duke University Press
Date: 02-1999
DOI: 10.2307/2658413
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: Springer Berlin Heidelberg
Date: 08-06-2012
Publisher: American Physical Society (APS)
Date: 05-08-2020
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 18-04-2006
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 29-07-2021
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-01-2015
Publisher: Brill
Date: 03-2010
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2007
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 27-02-2014
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 25-03-2013
DOI: 10.1057/CEP.2013.2
Publisher: Brill
Date: 03-08-2004
Publisher: Springer Nature Singapore
Date: 2019
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 2021
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 09-2018
DOI: 10.1111/AJPH.12511
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 1995
DOI: 10.1017/S0265052500004763
Abstract: Chinese liberals have been searching for a just society, one regulated by democratic institutions and rules—a society where the human potential for evil is properly controlled. It is in this context that Chinese liberal intellectuals such as Yan Jiaqi, Hu Ping, and Liao Xun, drawing on their respective experiences of the tragedies in China, have taken the idea that there is always a potential for evil in human nature as a starting-point for a just society and for designing democratic institutions.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 27-01-2012
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109911000235
Abstract: The failure to reconcile views of the past and to address historical injustice has damaged inter-state relations in Northeast Asia. Joint committees, dialogues, and the participation of civil society have been used to address historical issues, but scholars in the disciplines of international relations and area studies have largely ignored these dialogues and deliberative forums. At the same time, there is an emergent theoretical literature on how deliberative democracy can address ethnic conflicts and historical injustice. There is a serious disconnect or distance between the theoretical literature on the resolution of conflicts via deliberation on the one hand, and empirical studies of deliberative approach in East Asia on the other. This article aims to address this shortcoming in the study of the politics of historical dispute in Northeast Asia by proposing a deliberative approach to history disputes and highlighting the achievements, limits, and dynamics of deliberation. Through mapping and comparative testing, we confirm that deliberation offers some potential for a departure from nationalist mentalities and a shift towards a consciousness of regional history in Northeast Asia. Our empirical test of the utility of the deliberative approach suggests that a new model for addressing regional disputes may be emerging.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 05-2001
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109901000111
Abstract: This paper is a detailed case study of China's first direct election of the township heads, examining the driving forces for and obstacles to direct township election, and Chinese utilitarian approach toward local democracy. The paper discusses the prospect of direct township election in China and highlights the Chinese paternalist model of democracy being implemented in practice.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 27-01-2012
DOI: 10.1017/S146810991100034X
Abstract: The Japanese Journal of Political Science published a special issue, ‘Ideas of Asian Regionalism’ in Vol. 12 (2) (August 2011). In the papers that follow, Rosemary Foot and Gilbert Rozman focus on angles they each see as not being adequately addressed in the special issue.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 02-2011
Abstract: In the wake of the collapse of the Communist regime in the Soviet Union, liberal democracy was triumphantly celebrated as the “end of history.” Against this backdrop, Hindess wrote a number of critical essays launching his intellectual critique of liberal democracy. His approach was primarily conceptual, highlighting the problems and weaknesses of the conceptualization of democracy and democratization. This article reviews and offers a brief assessment of the key arguments made in Hindess' writings on democracy and democratization. In particular, it attempts to summarize the methodological steps through which Hindess engages conceptual critique. While offering an appreciation of Hindess'analysis, insight, and intellectual integrity, it also addresses some difficulties in his arguments.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 03-2016
DOI: 10.1017/S1537592715003291
Abstract: China, also known as “the People’s Republic of China,” is indisputably the world’s most populous country and also a rising superpower on the world economic and political stage. In The China Model: Political Meritocracy and the Limits of Democracy (Princeton University Press, 2015), Daniel A. Bell argues that China also represents a distinctive “model of governance” that is neither liberal democracy nor authoritarianism—a “political meritocracy.” Expanding on themes developed in a number of previous books, Bell outlines the logic of this “model ” compares it, rather favorably, to liberal democracy, especially as a regime well suited to Chinese history, culture, and political experience and also considers, briefly, its more general relevance to the politics of the 21st century. The issues he raises are relevant to students of comparative politics, democratic theory, world politics, and U.S. foreign policy. And so we have invited a range of political scientists to comment.
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 06-10-2005
Publisher: American Physical Society (APS)
Date: 14-08-2020
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 11-2003
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109903001105
Abstract: Theories of governance and Chinese understandings There is a vast and eclectic literature about many forms of governance, including markets, bureaucratic hierarchies, associations and different types of networks. The Commission on Global Governance, for ex le, defines governance as ‘the sum of the many ways in iduals and institutions, public and private, manage their common affairs. It is a continuing process through which conflicting or erse interests may be accommodated and cooperative action may be taken. It includes formal institutions and regimes empowered to enforce compliance, as well as informal arrangements that people and institutions either have agreed to or perceive to be in their interest’. Thus, ‘at the global level, governance has been viewed primarily as intergovernmental relationships, but it must now be understood as also involving non-governmental organizations (NGOs), citizens' movements, multinational corporations and the global mass of dramatically enlarged influence’.
Publisher: American Physical Society (APS)
Date: 18-12-2020
Publisher: Palgrave Macmillan US
Date: 2006
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 25-07-2011
Abstract: In 2007–8, more than 100 Wal-Mart stores in China established trade unions, which were praised by labour organizations and scholars throughout the world. This article questions these positive assessments and evaluations through an empirical study. The empirical findings reveal a dark and unpleasant picture of a double cooptation in that both the Chinese government and Wal-Mart have successfully coopted a few more or less independent unions. Although the presence of the trade union seems to challenge Wal-Mart’s neoliberal corporate ideology and governance, the compromise and tacit agreement between Wal-Mart and the party-state not only reflects a marriage of convenience but also indicates some deeper compatibility, the compatibility between China’s state corporatist model and the neoliberal approach taken by Wal-Mart. This study finds that China continues to move in a ‘state corporatist’ direction and that the transition towards civil society and ‘societal corporatism’ has been stymied.
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 11-2020
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 27-07-2010
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 28-11-2019
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 26-01-2010
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 03-2018
DOI: 10.1111/ISSJ.12168
Publisher: Cambridge University Press
Date: 2017
Publisher: University of California Press
Date: 03-2014
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-2004
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 05-2005
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 08-05-2001
Publisher: WORLD SCIENTIFIC
Date: 10-03-2019
Publisher: MIT Press - Journals
Date: 04-2017
DOI: 10.1162/DAED_A_00454
Abstract: Authoritarian rule in China increasingly involves a wide variety of deliberative practices. These practices combine authoritarian command with deliberative influence, producing the apparent anomaly of authoritarian deliberation. Although deliberation and democracy are usually found together, they are distinct phenomena. Democracy involves the inclusion of in iduals in matters that affect them through distributions of empowerments like votes and rights. Deliberation is the kind of communication that involves persuasion-based influence. Combinations of command-based power and deliberative influence – like authoritarian deliberation – are now pervading Chinese politics, likely a consequence of the failures of command authoritarianism under the conditions of complexity and pluralism produced by market-oriented development. The concept of authoritarian deliberation frames two possible trajectories of political development in China. One possibility is that the increasing use of deliberative practices stabilizes and strengthens authoritarian rule. An alternative possibility is that deliberative practices serve as a leading edge of democratization.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 18-02-2021
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 06-2004
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 18-06-2019
DOI: 10.1002/PAD.1853
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 07-01-0009
DOI: 10.1111/GCB.12107
Publisher: Edward Elgar Publishing
Date: 28-08-2007
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 31-08-2021
Publisher: IOP Publishing
Date: 26-10-2004
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 11-04-2007
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 31-08-2021
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 04-1999
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 27-03-2023
DOI: 10.1177/14782103231163480
Abstract: Geopolitics is shaping the international education landscape. International education has trationally been used as a tool to boost transnational cooperation, foster multilateral and global ties, and reduce tensions between nations. Such a role has been eroded and international education has been weaponised in the context of escalating political turbulences and disputes over the COVID-19 pandemic. In particular, the relationship between Australia and China, with international student flows interrupted due to COVID-19, is overshadowed by escalating geopolitical tensions in the Indo-Pacific region. Based on a qualitative study, this article examines stakeholders’ views on the responses of the Australian international education sector and universities to emerging geopolitical tensions. The conjuncture of geopolitics, COVID-19 and Australia's former government responses magnified a sense of crisis for universities and the international education sector as it was at risk because of their financial reliance on international students. Based on the findings, recommendations are made for the framing of a reciprocal, coordinated, responsive and empathetic international education sector to mitigate geopolitical risks and ensure more sustainable and ethical development for the sector.
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 24-05-2018
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 03-08-2005
Publisher: Oxford University Press
Date: 06-10-2005
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 24-06-2011
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109911000077
Abstract: Australia has experienced difficulties engaging with Asia-Pacific regional integration. Despite Australian attempts to punch above its weight in regional forums and to be a regional leader, it is still not regarded as a full member or as quite fitting into the region. It is an ‘awkward partner’ in the Asian context, and has experienced the ‘liminality’ of being neither here nor there. The former Rudd government's proposal for an ‘Asia Pacific Community’ (APC) by the year 2020 was a substantive initiative in Australia's ongoing engagement with Asia. It has, however, attracted a high level of criticism both at home and abroad. The main critical analysis of the proposal has focused on institutional building or architecture, or its relationship with existing regional institutions, but overlooks a host of often fraught questions about culture, norms, identities, and international power relations. The APC concept needs to be scrutinized in terms of these questions with a critical eye. This paper examines the cultural, cognitive, and normative dimensions of Rudd's proposal. It analyses four dilemmas or awkward problems that the APC faces.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 31-08-2021
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 2001
Abstract: In The Early 1970S, Dankwart Rustow Stressed The Centrality of national identity as a background condition for democratization. A recently emerging body of literature has raised this important issue again, opening it up for further discussion. Mark Thompson, Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, for ex le, have highlighted the centrality of the national identity question (they use the term ‘stateness’) in their recent work. Henry Bienen and Jeffrey Herbst see the emergence of a sense of national identity as a prerequisite for democratization in Africa, thus confirming Rustow's idea of sequence. Ilter Turan supports Rustow's view on the role of national identity in his analysis of the cases of Iraq and the Central Asian republics, while James Putzel uses the macro variable of the national identity question to explain why democratic politics is more difficult in Indonesia, which faces the risk of disintegration, and in the ethnically- ided Malaysia, with its weak national identity, than in the Philippines where disintegration is not an issue.
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 18-06-2011
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 31-08-2021
Publisher: University of California Press
Date: 03-2014
Abstract: This paper provides a critical overview of Australian, Chinese, and American perspectives on trilateralism, with a detailed discussion of Australian debates on the matter. Its aim is to trace the evolution of the changing discourse on the rise of China, examine major debates in Australia, and provide both an intellectual background and an overview for this special issue.
Publisher: IOP Publishing
Date: 07-2006
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 03-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-05-2010
Publisher: University of Chicago Press
Date: 12-2014
DOI: 10.1086/678492
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 04-09-2019
Abstract: Myanmar is in an important phase of its political transition. The opportunity for substantive federal reform, which is central to peacebuilding and democratisation, is present and being progressed through parallel elite level forums. However, these elite negotiations have serious limitations, as they fail to reach out to citizens, and contribute to polarisation and the perpetuation of extreme views regarding federalism. To address the absence of public deliberation on federalism in Myanmar, we organised five deliberative events based on the Deliberative Polling® methodology. This paper discusses some of the key findings and demonstrates how they can contribute to federal constitutional reform in Myanmar. It shows that when debating fundamental issues relating to identity and national sovereignty, public deliberation has moderation effects even in conflict-ridden deeply ided societies. Indeed, questions that related to the institutions associated with identity and religion had the highest quality of deliberation, opinion change and moderation. These more moderate and considered deliberated perspectives are of great value for dealing with the polarisation issue that Myanmar faces and demonstrate the potential of deliberative democracy tools to supplement and moderate electoral democracy and elite-driven constitutional change processes.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 11-1996
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 26-10-0006
Abstract: Samuel Huntington once remarked that authoritarian societies are unable to produce great political scientists, that political science is closely linked to democracy, and that political scientists have a moral duty to promote political reform. Huntington did not, however, discuss in detail why authoritarianism cannot produce great political scientists. He also overlooked a number of other issues with regard to the relationship between regimes and political science. Through an examination of the case of China, this article confirms the main finding of Huntington’s thesis through a discussion of why democracy is associated with political science and why authoritarianism does not produce great political scientists. The article, however, also points out the problems associated with Huntington’s thesis on connections between regimes and political science. The article offers a number of causal mechanisms and constructive criticisms of Huntington’s thesis.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 12-2018
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109918000257
Abstract: This introductory paper reviews the origin and development of the concept of authoritarian deliberation, and highlights the importance of culture and cultural tradition associated with public consultation. This paper summarizes and illustrates six key features of authoritarian deliberation in China. First, deliberation in China is a precarious balance between legal rule and state intervention. Second, the Party appeals to public reason to address and manage social conflict, and develop the soft coercion that accompanies much authoritarian deliberation. Third, this highly controlled deliberative process does, however, allow the freedom of local participants to find spaces for democratic expression, and local experiments to develop elements of deliberative democracy. Fourth, authoritarian deliberation is characterized by mutual instrumentalism. Fifth, there is an importance of an administrative and policy perspective in authoritarian deliberation. Six, the concept of authoritarian deliberation is not limited to China. There is the convergence in real-world deliberative process and outcome between authoritarian and liberal democratic systems.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 31-08-2021
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 02-2002
DOI: 10.1093/IRAP/2.1.47
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 09-1993
Publisher: American Physical Society (APS)
Date: 21-09-2020
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 16-02-2021
Abstract: Partial and perceived empowerment in the practice of public hearings, widely spreading across China since the late 1990s and still operating today, is puzzling. Citizens enjoy the right to participation, information, and formal equality but their political empowerment is constrained without the right to elect and dismiss officials there. This article examines the politics of ‘authoritarian empowerment,’ which combines partial empowerment and sophisticated control, and separates psychological empowerment from political empowerment. Through such a delicate combination and separation, citizens are partially empowered, paradoxically, to prevent their full empowerment. Our study is a supplement to the previous study of authoritarian deliberation (consultation) and phantom democracy, discloses the deficiency of the literature on local deliberative democracy in China, and enriches the literature on sophisticated authoritarian innovation in Southeast Asia. The article is based on documented research, interviews with 469 non-participants and 72 participants, and an in-depth case study in Shanghai.
Publisher: IOP Publishing
Date: 2006
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-1994
Publisher: WORLD SCIENTIFIC
Date: 07-2004
Publisher: Springer Science and Business Media LLC
Date: 2003
Publisher: WORLD SCIENTIFIC
Date: 07-2006
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 17-01-2018
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 11-09-2019
Publisher: Pacific Affairs
Date: 12-2005
DOI: 10.5509/2005784601
Publisher: Edward Elgar Publishing
Date: 28-08-2007
Publisher: WORLD SCIENTIFIC
Date: 03-03-2016
DOI: 10.1142/10036
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 17-08-2020
Abstract: Influenced by the ex le of China, a literature is emerging that advocates a modernized version of Confucian meritocracy, often as an alternative to liberal democracy and even democracy itself. We disagree with these arguments. A critical examination of the Chinese practices of meritocracy within the context of a regime that remains authoritarian is noticeably absent in the literature. This article addresses this gap and, in its findings, argues that political meritocracy, despite first appearances, does not offer a better alternative to liberal democracy. In contrast to many analyses, we do not view ‘meritocracy’ as a regime type but rather as an aspirational ideal that political leaders should have in merit their positions, relative to their functions. We develop a theoretical framework for comparing meritocratic features of regimes centred on a distinction between authoritarian meritocracy and democratic meritocracy. The framework brings into focus the ways in which the authoritarian features of the Chinese political systems undermine meritocratic claims and aspirations.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-2008
Abstract: Does the type of regime really make no difference to the likelihood of violent conflict over basic issues of stateness such as separatism and decolonization? Can democratic peace theory be successfully applied when dealing with the national identity or stateness question? This article extends the application of the democratic peace to the process of decolonization. It examines conflict between imperial states and their colonies during the process of decolonization and investigates the question of whether democracy affects the likelihood of conflict. The central finding is that, contrary to the implications of some prominent theories of state formation and democracy, democratic imperial states are significantly less likely to go to war with their colonial possessions in the process of achieving independence. Further, the authors find only a monadic, not dyadic, democratic peace effect. The regime type of the colony does not have a significant effect on the likelihood of war. It is the nature of the regime of imperial states, rather than that of colonies, that is a significant factor. In addition, the predominant source of this effect appears to be the institutional constraints placed on executive action within democracies, rather than the influence of mass politics or the effects of political competition. Regarding power-related factors, power parity between sovereign and colony makes conflict more likely (a colonial power-transition effect), but imperial decline actually makes war with colonies less likely. Sensitivity analysis reveals that a number of other hypothesized effects cannot find robust support. Simulations are used to assess the magnitude of the effect of regime type pre- and post-independence. Overall, the article contributes to theory development by investigating different institutional aspects of democracy and by distinguishing monadic and dyadic effects.
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 06-2011
DOI: 10.1017/S1537592711000892
Abstract: Authoritarian rule in China is now permeated by a wide variety of deliberative practices. These practices combine authoritarian concentrations of power with deliberative influence, producing the apparent anomaly of authoritarian deliberation. Although deliberation is usually associated with democracy, they are distinct phenomena. Democracy involves the inclusion of in iduals in matters that affect them through distributions of empowerments such as votes and rights. Deliberation is a mode of communication involving persuasion-based influence. Combinations of non-inclusive power and deliberative influence—authoritarian deliberation—are readily identifiable in China, probably reflecting failures of command authoritarianism under the conditions of complexity and pluralism produced by market-oriented development. The concept of authoritarian deliberation frames two possible trajectories of political development in China: the increasing use of deliberative practices stabilizes and strengthens authoritarian rule, or deliberative practices serve as a leading edge of democratization.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 13-09-2016
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 26-10-2006
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109906002349
Abstract: Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness. This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 12-11-2012
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 10-2003
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 05-2008
Abstract: The article explores the implications of major social transformation in Asia for Europe. It specifically addresses expressions of cosmopolitan engagement between transnational organizations representing Asia and Europe. Within Asia, there is some evidence to indicate that cosmopolitanism is becoming a significant factor in culture and in politics, as is illustrated by increasing transnational cooperation within Asia and the dilution of national interests. A major question is whether such forms of cooperation will play a significant role in Asia's relation to Europe and whether as a consequence European—Asian relations will develop in a direction congruent with cosmopolitan principles. The thesis of the article is that if its momentum continues to develop, cosmopolitan relations and normative regionalism in Asia and Europe are significant factors in reshaping the world and transregional order, and that critical cosmopolitanism can be an alternative to nationalism and to narrowly defined globalization.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 19-02-2008
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-2012
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 12-2018
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109918000269
Abstract: Chinese public hearings or consultations have been subject to numerous debates, doubts, and scepticism about the existence of Chinese deliberative democracy. More empirical evidence, however, is required about these debates before we can offer any meaningful account of the nature, characteristics, and direction of Chinese deliberation. In addition, although there have been many case studies on grassroots deliberative democracy, such studies are intellectually isolated from each other in the sense that they do not comprise a statistical unit. To overcome this deficiency, we developed a new research method for studying grassroots deliberation by collecting and validating the existing case studies, thereby making them a statistical unit. This paper aims to offer a big-picture perspective and the national statistical trend behind the uneven development of grassroots deliberative democracy. It develops an intellectual framework to assess whether grassroots deliberation is democratic. By collecting, validating, and coding 393 cases of Chinese grassroots deliberations, we have assessed Chinese grassroots deliberation, confirmed the cases’ democratic attributes, and provided a solid statistical result. Although there is strong evidence to support the claim that these grassroots deliberation experiments are democratic, there remain some variations, nuances, and shortcomings. The full picture is not simple, but instead provides a mixed perspective.
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 11-2019
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 27-04-2023
Publisher: Cambridge University Press (CUP)
Date: 12-2018
DOI: 10.1017/S1468109918000300
Abstract: Authoritarian deliberation has been used widely to describe the specific form of deliberation developed in China. However, whether its practice will strengthen authoritarianism or lead to democratization remains unknown. In this study, we examine this question from the perspective of participants in public deliberation. Surveying the participants in participatory pricings held in Shanghai over the past 5 years, we find that participants’ perception of deliberative quality has a statistically significant negative impact on their level of political activism, while their level of empowerment has a moderating effect on this negative relationship. In this light, Chinese deliberative practices characterized by high-quality deliberation and low-level empowerment are likely to have a demobilization effect thus, they reinforce the authoritarian rules.
Publisher: Brill
Date: 10-02-2021
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-1992
Publisher: Oxford University Press (OUP)
Date: 07-2007
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 25-04-2011
DOI: 10.1002/PAD.598
Publisher: Elsevier BV
Date: 02-2019
DOI: 10.1016/J.SCITOTENV.2018.10.416
Abstract: Green and Blue Infrastructure (GBI) is a network designed and planned to deliver a wide range of ecosystem services and to protect bio ersity. Existing GBI designs lacked a systematic method to allocate restoration zones. This study proposes a novel approach for systematically selecting cost-effective areas for restoration on the basis of bio ersity, ecosystem services, and ecosystem condition to give an optimal spatial design of GBI. The approach was tested at a regional scale, in a transboundary setting encompassing the Intercontinental Biosphere Reserve of the Mediterranean in Andalusia (Spain) - Morocco (IBRM), across three aquatic ecosystems: freshwater, coastal and marine. We applied Marxan with Zones to stakeholder-defined scenarios of GBI in the IBRM. Specifically, we aimed to identify management zones within the GBl that addressed different conservation, restoration and exploitation objectives. Although almost all conservation targets were achieved, our results highlighted that the proportion of conservation features (i.e., bio ersity, ecosystem services) that would be compromised in the GBl, and the proportion of provisioning services that would be lost due to conservation (i.e., incidental representation) are potentially large, indicating that the probability of conflicts between conservation and exploitation goals in the area is high. The implementation of restoration zones improved connectivity across the GBI, and also achieved European and global policy targets. Our approach may help guide future applications of GBI to implement the flexible conservation management that aquatic environments require, considering many areas at different spatial scales, across multiple ecosystems, and in transboundary contexts.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-2012
Start Date: 2014
End Date: 2016
Funder: Ministry of Education - Singapore
View Funded ActivityStart Date: 2009
End Date: 2013
Funder: Australian Research Council
View Funded Activity