ORCID Profile
0000-0003-2798-0996
Current Organisation
Deakin University
Does something not look right? The information on this page has been harvested from data sources that may not be up to date. We continue to work with information providers to improve coverage and quality. To report an issue, use the Feedback Form.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 20-05-2018
DOI: 10.1002/APP5.246
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 03-07-2022
DOI: 10.1177/1329878X221111826
Abstract: This article studies the governance of ‘cyber historical nihilism’ in China. By performing document analysis of the regulatory policies and actions against cyber historical nihilism, we found that cyber historical nihilism is mainly governed as harmful ‘online content’ and a threatening ‘ideological trend’, and its governance has incorporated agencies and measures of China’s ‘internet governance’ and ‘ideological and political education’. We argue that cyber historical nihilism has been securitised by the Chinese Communist Party as an urgent threat to the nation’s ideological and political securities. The governance of cyber historical nihilism aims to maintain the Chinese Communist Party’s authority in history writing and its legitimacy and longevity as the ruling party. The Chinese Communist Party’s emphasis and intensity in governing cyber historical nihilism has not only demonstrated the ideological turn to Maoism in internet governance, propaganda and politics under Xi Jinping’s leadership, but also the Chinese Communist Party’s ability and resilience to adapt to new challenges in the ideological field in the digital age.
Publisher: Wiley
Date: 09-2022
DOI: 10.1002/POI3.318
Abstract: Using the governance of social eating (chibo) influencers as a case study, this article demonstrates the policies, practices, discourses, and politics of China's state‐centric model of influencer governance. We argue that influencers in China are in a relatively precarious position due to various regulations and restrictions imposed upon them by the state, platforms, and industry associations. They are frequently targeted in China's internet governance c aigns “for a more sanitary internet” and coerced to participate in social governance “for the creation of a better socialist society.” They are therefore vulnerable within China's state‐controlled digital economy, caught between risks and opportunities this governance affords. Their position in this governance regime has consequently enabled their creativity, flexibility, and resilience to “play on the edge” of recurring platform crackdowns and capricious government policies to survive in the ever‐changing influencer industry. The coevolution of regulatory policies and focuses, and the shifting performativity of influencers, also makes China's influencer culture fast evolving and the governance itself more complex than elsewhere.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 12-08-2016
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 17-08-2020
Abstract: During the recent outbreak of coronavirus, the concern about proliferation of misleading information, rumours and myths has caused governments across the world to institute various interventionist steps to stem their flow. Each government has had to balance the dichotomy between freedom of expression and people’s right to be safe from the adverse impact of inaccurate information. Governments across the world have implemented a number of strategies to manage COVID-19 including issuing public advisories, advertising c aigns, holding press conferences and instituting punitive regulations to combat the distribution of false and misleading information. We examine the two most populous countries’ governments’ response to the scourge of fake news during COVID-19. China and India are the most challenging nations to govern in terms of their sheer size and ersity of their population. Each country’s government has taken several steps to minimise the impact of fake news during COVID, within its own political system.
Publisher: IGI Global
Date: 2020
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-10-2018
Abstract: In December 2013, the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the Ministry of Education jointly announced a nationwide ‘joint model’ between state propaganda departments and journalism schools in higher education institutions, signalling a new era for China’s journalism education. The ‘joint model’ c aign aims to enhance the party’s ideological control over journalism education in China’s highly globalized, commercialized and digitized media environment. This essay examines the political context, concrete measures, expected benefits, debate and problems of the new era of China’s journalism education.
Publisher: Springer Nature Singapore
Date: 2019
Publisher: Springer Netherlands
Date: 2019
Publisher: University of Chicago Press
Date: 07-2017
DOI: 10.1086/691642
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 23-09-2016
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-04-2021
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 05-2018
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 19-03-2017
Publisher: OpenEdition
Date: 09-2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-04-2021
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 25-07-2022
DOI: 10.1177/1329878X221116402
Abstract: The article outlines key regulatory and governing issues and actions in China's internet and digital media in the first decade under the leadership of Xi Jinping. It argues that both the domestic and global dimensions are equally crucial to understanding China's internet regulation and governance in the Xi era. It further argues that the two interrelated dimensions that emphasise the state's centrality and supremacy in internet-related regulatory issues and frameworks help strengthen China's existing political structure at home and promote China's digital power globally in the digital age.
No related grants have been discovered for Jian Xu.