ORCID Profile
0000-0003-3333-0076
Current Organisations
Sheridan Institute of higher education
,
Murdoch University
,
The University of Sydney Library
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Publisher: University of Melbourne
Date: 12-2022
DOI: 10.46580/P69378
Abstract: In the heat of the COVID-19 pandemic, Singapore rolled out TraceTogether a contact-tracing mobile app that uses proximity sensing to track the movements of its population. TraceTogether was initially voluntary, and used solely for contact tracing. By December 2020, the system became mandatory. This sparked a mass adoption that made TraceTogether possibly the most successful application in Singapore’s Smart Nation initiative. When it emerged in January 2021 that the data had been used by the police for criminal investigation, images of a totalitarianism sprang to mind, where technology permits the state an invasive awareness of the movement of in iduals. In this paper, we defer from common arguments that Singaporeans are intrinsically trusting of the government or have been conditioned to accept ‘Big Brother’ modes of surveillance. Instead, we argue that the success of TraceTogether reflects a Singapore society that, through the rationalisation of surveillance, willingly participates in their own surveillance. In uncovering the genealogy of media discourse that surrounds TraceTogether, we highlight that it is the regular practice of voluntary surveillance, of subscribing oneself to the apparatuses of state control, rather than specific technologies, that characterises the Singapore surveillance state. We describe a matrix of reason, layered-on and normalised through media discourse, that exemplifies what Foucault has termed ‘governmentality’, which asserts a government’s power of control not over, but within, citizens.
Publisher: ISEAS - Yusof Ishak Institute
Date: 10-2005
DOI: 10.1355/SJ20-2B
Publisher: WORLD SCIENTIFIC
Date: 07-08-2018
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-06-2014
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-08-2020
Abstract: The wealthy and ‘smart’ city-state of Singapore was one of the first to develop a mobile tracing app called TraceTogether during the coronavirus outbreak. It then pivoted towards developing a wearable tech device in order to reach all 5.7 million residents, brushing off concerns about privacy and surveillance. This article tracks the development of TraceTogether and engages in critical debates that have ensued around the use of the app, namely around the twin implications of privacy protection and the conduct of surveillance in a panoptic and auto-regulatory society that privileges socio-political discipline and control. With health crises and pandemics becoming more commonplace, more people around the world are being persuaded to wear some loss of privacy to trust ‘smart’ technologies to aid us in fighting enemies that are deadly and invisible. Singapore could already be offering a glimpse of how this can be done now, and in the future.
Publisher: Routledge
Date: 06-05-2010
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 11-2004
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-07-2015
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 12-2013
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-2002
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 17-11-2020
Publisher: Copenhagen Business School
Date: 10-04-2006
Abstract: On 26 September 2002, as Singapore faced up to its worst economic year since attaining full political independence in 1965, the Creative Industries Working Group (CIWG) of the Economic Review Committee (ERC), a governmentappointed, high-level body tasked with identifying future economic growth sectors and opportunities for Singapore, unveiled its report entitled Creative Industries Development Strategy: Propelling Singapore's Creative Economy (CIWG, 2002). This was the first time the voguish concept of the 'creative industries' had been publicly acknowledged and embraced in Singapore. It is believed that the development of a 'creative cluster' – or a creative network comprising the arts and cultural sector, the design sector and the media industry – would propel Singapore's new innovation-driven economy by 'industrializing' the cultural (and culture-related) sectors in Singapore. Among other envisaged outcomes, this policy aims to encourage risk-taking and entrepreneurship and to attract creative 'talents' to locate in Singapore. Whilst the notion of the 'creative industries' has been objectively modelled after global trends and policies, its application in a society notorious for its censorious political and cultural climate is fraught with problems. This article offers a critical examination of this new creative industries policy direction spearheaded by the Singapore government, and considers the economics and politics of creativity in what is being presented as the 'new' Singapore of the twenty-first century.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 24-07-2021
DOI: 10.1177/1329878X211010771
Abstract: This article offers a personal commentary on the influence of Tom O’Regan, my Honours supervisor in the 1990s. Among many other things, he was a major contributor to the ‘cultural policy debate’ in Australia. More than offering an explanation about the subject, O’Regan had warned of the need to strike a balance when debating culture and critiquing cultural policy, and not fall into polemical traps. Making a case for policy independence, he urged academics to participate collaboratively and cooperatively in cultural policy-making processes, instead of primarily engaging in cultural criticisms. I write as well of my firsthand experience of how his cultural policy writings transcended scholarly rationale into the actual policy domain during my time as a media policy professional in Singapore. His ability to apply policy thinking beyond academia underscores why he was – and will remain – a giant of media and cultural studies in Australia and beyond.
Publisher: Springer Nature Singapore
Date: 2019
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 02-01-2023
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 16-08-2020
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 12-2009
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 10-06-2019
Abstract: Common perceptions and literature on media in Singapore suggest an authoritarian government that either silences or co-opts public media, using repressive laws that are passed unopposed, given the People’s Action Party (PAP) government’s super majority in Parliament. In practice, laws in Singapore are not simply crafted to maximise their effects in silencing political criticism but are also carefully debated – at times with the PAP’s strongest opponents – in public, to rationalise their implementation even before such laws are applied. In studying public discourse surrounding four recent pieces of media legislation, this article argues that the Singapore government strives not just for its right to pass laws at will but is equally concerned with building its legitimacy to govern using these laws. This sophisticated practice, in line with Foucault’s concept of governmentality, seeks to govern by convincing the citizenry to consent the suppression of their own socio-cultural and political freedom.
Publisher: Queen's University Library
Date: 09-2002
Abstract: This paper sets out to consider the use of new media technologies in the city-state of Singapore, widely acknowledged as one of the most technologically-advanced and networked societies in the world. Singapore is well-known as a politically censorious and highly-regulated society, which has been subjected to frequent and fierce insults and criticisms by those hailing from liberal democratic traditions. Indeed, much has been said about how the Singapore polity resonates with a climate of fear, which gives rise to the prevalent practice of self-censorship. This paper examines how certain groups in Singapore attempt to employ the Internet to find their voice and seek their desired social, cultural and political ends, and how the regulatory devices adopted by the highly pervasive People Action's Party (PAP) government respond to and set limits to these online ventures whilst concomitantly pursuing national technological cum economic development strategies. It concludes that the Internet in Singapore is a highly contested space where the art of governmentality, in the forms of information controls and 'automatic' modes of regulation, is tried, tested, and subsequently perfected.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-04-2023
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 09-2020
Abstract: This Special Issue of Global Media and China responds in part to Stuart Hall’s famous 1996 invocation, ‘Who needs identity?’ – to study ‘specific enunciative strategies’ utilized within ‘specific modalities of power’ so as to consider identity discourses of the present and of the future. This issue draws upon empirical observations presented and debated at the 2019 Chinese Internet Research Conference held in Singapore in May 2019, as well as theoretical contributions in identity politics and social media, the chosen site or ‘modality of power’. This editorial and critical essay reflects upon, complemented and supported by the papers in this issue, the critical and conceptual frameworks that are emerging to critique the global and local complexities, ersity and dynamics resulting from the deeper integration of social media into the everyday lives of Chinese Internet users. It presents an overview of the 2019 Chinese Internet Research Conference proceedings in terms of how social media is used to wrap personal politics into a widening range of identity groupings around gender, class, citizens, pop culture and religion in ways that signal the future of newer forms of identity politics among Internet users in China. Since social media posts and exchanges, while geographically sourced and situated, often transcend their boundaries, the arguments presented here goes beyond China and are global. The shareability of identity mediated by in idual, state and public discourses on social and ‘anti-social’ media during the COVID-19 pandemic within China, Singapore and Australia leads to novel ways of understanding identity politics in globalizing China and strategic uses of Chinese identity.
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 23-09-2020
Abstract: This article analyzes the impacts of the Australian Federal Government’s food labeling reforms on the formation of food practices and the market for local food products. It considers how the inclusion of product and ingredient origin information blurs the distinction between ‘domestic’ and ‘foreign’ food products, and foregrounds different ‘support local’ behaviors. Findings from the study highlight the influence of structural and cultural factors, complemented by the strategic use of media tools, in shaping how food labels function as mechanisms to mediate domestic and transnational food practices. Retail concentration, support for the ‘buy local’ discourse, and the mediating influence of supermarket food media are presented as key factors that underpin the diffusion of and the demand for branded products and local food products in Australia. The impacts of the food origin labeling regulations on Australia’s highly concentrated grocery retail sector and export markets for Australian food products are also discussed.
Publisher: American Chemical Society (ACS)
Date: 16-04-2009
DOI: 10.1021/IC801969C
Abstract: Herein, we report reactivity studies of the mononuclear water-soluble complex [Mn(II)(HPClNOL)(eta(1)-NO(3))(eta(2)-NO(3))] 1, where HPClNOL = 1-(bis-pyridin-2-ylmethyl-amino)-3-chloropropan-2-ol, toward peroxides (H(2)O(2) and tert-butylhydroperoxide). Both the catalase (in aqueous solution) and peroxidase (in CH(3)CN) activities of 1 were evaluated using a range of techniques including electronic absorption spectroscopy, volumetry (kinetic studies), pH monitoring during H(2)O(2) disproportionation, electron paramagnetic resonance (EPR), electrospray ionization mass spectrometry in the positive ion mode [ESI(+)-MS], and gas chromatography (GC). Electrochemical studies showed that 1 can be oxidized to Mn(III) and Mn(IV). The catalase-like activity of 1 was evaluated with and without pH control. The results show that the pH decreases when the reaction is performed in unbuffered media. Furthermore, the activity of 1 is greater in buffered than in unbuffered media, demonstrating that pH influences the activity of 1 toward H(2)O(2). For the reaction of 1 with H(2)O(2), EPR and ESI(+)-MS have led to the identification of the intermediate [Mn(III)Mn(IV)(mu-O)(2)(PClNOL)(2)](+). The peroxidase activity of 1 was also evaluated by monitoring cyclohexane oxidation, using H(2)O(2) or tert-butylhydroperoxide as the terminal oxidants. Low yields (<7%) were obtained for H(2)O(2), probably because it competes with 1 for the catalase-like activity. In contrast, using tert-butylhydroperoxide, up to 29% of cyclohexane conversion was obtained. A mechanistic model for the catalase activity of 1 that incorporates the observed lag phase in O(2) production, the pH variation, and the formation of a Mn(III)-(mu-O)(2)-Mn(IV) intermediate is proposed.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 06-2004
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 03-07-2023
Publisher: SAGE Publications
Date: 02-2016
Abstract: The city-state of Singapore commemorated its 50th year of independence in 2015. In that 50-year period, Singapore defied the odds by forging itself into an important media and communication hub, one that services the Asian region by linking it to other global media centres. This article examines Singapore’s efforts to develop its media sector over the years from a historical (and) policy perspective. The article begins by explaining how early policy discourses were bifurcated along internal versus external lines, where the development of a national media system to mould a fledgling society was the internal mission, while externally, the vision was to promote Singapore to the rest of the world as a reliable port (where media and cultural goods can be safely and reliable transported to/through) and teleport (where messages and satellite signals can be exchanged via reliable telecommunications infrastructure and uplink–downlink facilities). It was not until the early 2000s, with the launch of Media 21 and the Creative Industries Development Strategy (both in 2002), that the external mission began to dominate. In 2009, the Singapore Media Fusion Plan (SMFP) declared that Singapore would become a ‘Trusted Global Capital for New Asia Media’. While articulating that a strong media sector engenders a better understanding of Singapore culture, the latest policy does little to promote local culture. Instead, the cultural footprint of Singapore has expanded to include not just Asia, but ‘new Asia’, defined very problematically in the report as ‘newly confident Asian countries’ (p. 26). This article unpacks the ‘Asian media fusion’ discourse and contends that the positioning of Singapore as a 21st century media hub is arguably the most overtly economic media and cultural policy that Singapore has yet produced. It is clear that the media sector is a little more than a cluster of economic activity, where the goal of the government and the agencies involved is to boost Singapore’s status as the best business city. The media hub policy rationales have thus been, for better or worse, coherent with the Singapore government’s broader economic ideologies over the past 50 years and look set to continue into the foreseeable future.
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 15-07-2023
Publisher: Informa UK Limited
Date: 2013
No related grants have been discovered for Terence Lee.